Category: Op-ed

Our Ruhr Valley Needs Reinvention

Posted on by Chandra Bhushan

Spanning the coal-rich districts of Jharkhand and West Bengal, Damodar Valley (DV)-India’s ‘Ruhr Valley’-has powered the country’s growth since Independence. Coal from Jharia and Raniganj has fuelled India’s rise while steel plants of Durgapur and Bokaro, and fertiliser factories of Sindri became ‘temples of modern India’.

Today, the region stands as a stark paradox: rich in coal and industrial infrastructure, yet choking on resources that once made it prosperous. The air is thick with pollution, rivers flow contaminated and the economic model that once promised eternal employment is now creating a landscape of uncertainty. The imperative is clear: DV must urgently transition from a coal-based past, or risk terminal decline. Evidence of the coming decline is everywhere:

► In Dhanbad, India’s ‘coal capital’, nearly half the mines are abandoned or non-operational. By 2030, 80% of its mines will cease operations due to exhausted reserves or unprofitability. This story echoes across the Valley. Coal production in West Bengal’s Raniganj has plateaued at about 40-50 MT per year. Once the country’s largest coal producer, the Damodar basin has now fallen to third place, overtaken by coalfields in Odisha and Chhattisgarh.

► Downstream industries are faring no better. Jharkhand, sitting on mountains of coal, is ironically, a net importer of electricity. Ageing thermal power plants at Patratu, Bokaro, Bandel and Kolaghat have shut down. Overall, less than 5% of India’s thermal power capacity remains here. Even Damodar Valley Corporation (DVC)’s multi-purpose dams, designed for flood control, irrigation and hydropower, are silting up. Their power generation is minimal, and their flood-control capabilities are increasingly compromised.

But this is not just an economic crisis. It’s a human one. Over 2 lakh workers face the spectre of job losses. The region’s workforce participation rate is 30%. Without a viable alternative, the region is staring at a socioeconomic vacuum of immense proportions.

Yet, within this crisis lies an unprecedented opportunity. The same assets that defined the valley’s industrial age can be repurposed to build its green future. An August 2025 iFOREST Assessment, ‘Transforming India’s Coal Capital’, reveals that Dhanbad, Bokaro and Ramgarh (DBR)—the core of the valley—have the potential to become a major green industrial corridor.

The region has over 1 lakh ha of barren and mining-ravaged land, a potential site for solar farms capable of generating up to 10 GW of clean power by 2030. Reservoirs at Maithon, Panchet, and Tenughat can host floating solar projects and become the foundation for a green hydrogen industry.

With India pushing for hydrogen-based steelmaking and fertiliser production, DBR—with its existing steel and fertiliser plants and water infra—is uniquely positioned to become a hub for green hydrogen, green steel and green fertiliser. Also, repurposed coal mines into solar farms, industrial parks, or even as carbon sinks can drive local employment and economic diversification.

Infrastructure is already in place: robust connectivity via national highways and railways, and proximity to upcoming Amritsar-Kolkata Industrial Corridor. Most importantly, the region has a young, resilient workforce. To realise this potential, however, a good strategy is essential.

► Plan green GoI must partner with states to create a new blueprint for DV, transforming it from a traditional coal economy into a vanguard of green development. A dedicated Green Growth Plan for the DBR region should be the starting point. In addition, DVC must diversify into a green energy company.

► Just transition Workers and communities who built the coal economy must not be left behind. This requires investment in skilling, social protection and enterprise development. Jharkhand must prepare a ‘just transition policy’ to ensure that the move to a green economy is equitable and inclusive. Germany’s Ruhr Valley faced an identical crisis with the decline of coal. It chose a path of proactive transformation, investing in tech, education and culture. Its last coal mine closed in 2018. But today, former industrial sites are vibrant museums, universities and green spaces.

The valley now stands at the same crossroads. It has given its energy, environment and labour to build India. But it must now face the dual realities of depleting coal reserves and global shift toward clean energy. Ruhr teaches us that transformation cannot be left to chance. It requires foresight, planning and investment. If India acts decisively, Damodar Valley can avoid decline. Instead, it can lead the green transition in eastern India.

Breaking a vicious cycle

Posted on by Chandra Bhushan

Scientific modelling, innovative planning, & forward-looking policy can help cities beat heat stress.

Bhubaneswar has become the first Indian city to launch an Integrated Heat and Cooling Action Plan (IHCAP).

On September 2, Bhubaneswar became the first Indian city to release an Integrated Heat and Cooling Action Plan (IHCAP) to comprehensively tackle two growing crises—rising heat stress and the explosion in air conditioning demand.

Heat stress is not new to India. Over the past two decades, the country has experienced increasingly frequent and intense heatwaves that have claimed thousands of lives, reduced worker productivity, and strained health systems. But the crisis has changed. Cities are now caught in a vicious cycle of heat and cooling—higher temperatures and humidity drive up air-conditioning use, which worsens the urban heat island (UHI) effect and greenhouse gas emissions. This, in turn, makes cities even hotter—and more dependent on cooling.

It is precisely this cycle that Bhubaneswar’s IHCAP seeks to break. It is India’s first city-level plan that integrates urban planning, green buildings, sustainable cooling, and heat adaptation measures under one umbrella.

A city on the frontline of heat

Bhubaneswar has long been one of India’s most heat-affected cities. Over the last four decades, average temperatures and humidity levels have risen steadily across the year. Even more worrying is the rise in night-time temperatures, which robs people of relief and increases health risks. Today, heat stress stretches from February to October. According to the India Meteorological Department’s (IMD) “feels like” index, which uses temperature and humidity to measure heat stress, the city endured nearly 230 days of yellow or orange heat alerts in 2024.

Rapid urbanisation has further compounded heat stress. Between 2018 and 2024, Bhubaneswar’s built-up area grew by 23%, while vegetation declined by nearly 10% and water bodies by a staggering 75%. The result is a far more pronounced UHI effect, with the city now 2 to 5°C hotter than surrounding rural areas.

The impacts are already evident. Outdoor workers—from construction crews to street vendors—lose 20-30% of productivity and wages to heat stress. Overall, the city lost 8.6% of its annual income due to heat stress. At the same time, AC ownership has more than doubled in just two years, rising from 6% of households in 2021 to 15% in 2023. Cooling now accounts for one-third of the city’s electricity use—and nearly two-thirds in the peak summer months.

Looking ahead, the situation could worsen dramatically. Under an intermediate climate warming scenario, a “normal hot day” in 2050 will feel like today’s extreme heat days. The city, therefore, will have to rely on cooling to survive. Under a business-as-usual (BAU) scenario, therefore, electricity demand from cooling could rise 7.6 times by 2050 compared to current levels.

What the IHCAP offers

Against this backdrop, Bhubaneswar’s IHCAP lays out a comprehensive five-pillar strategy:

Cool the city: Expand greenery, revive water bodies, promote cool roofs, and redesign streets to reduce UHI.

Cool buildings: Implement energy conservation building codes and promote climate-responsive designs to reduce heat absorption and enhance indoor comfort.

Sustainable cooling for all: Ensure access to affordable, efficient, and climate-friendly cooling solutions such as efficient fans and ACs, district cooling systems, and white roofs for low-income homes.

Enhance heat resilience: Strengthen electricity, water, and health systems; build cooling shelters and provide cool bus stops and public water kiosks.

Adapt to heat: Update heat alert thresholds to account for humidity and night-time temperatures, provide insurance to vulnerable workers, and expand awareness campaigns.

If implemented effectively, these interventions could reduce surface temperatures by 0.5-9.4°C, depending on the type of measure, and cut the city’s cooling-related electricity demand by 44-67% compared to the BAU scenario.

Beyond Bhubaneswar

The IHCAP connects two national policies that have so far worked in silos. The India Cooling Action Plan (ICAP) of the environment ministry promotes sustainable cooling and the Heat Action Plan (HAP) of the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) (focusses primarily on early warning and heat adaptation. By unifying them, the IHCAP offers a comprehensive framework to address heat stress that other cities can adapt and adopt.

Scaling this framework, however, will require significant policy reforms. The NDMA’s HAP guidelines must be updated to include heat mitigation and sustainable cooling measures. City master plans and building codes will also need revision. For example, the Energy Conservation and Sustainable Building Code, 2024, for commercial and institutional buildings and the Eco-Niwas Samhita 2024 for residential buildings cover only a fraction of upcoming construction. In Bhubaneswar, just 25% of commercial and institutional buildings and a mere 1.5% of residential construction fall under these codes. Likewise, master plans do not consider UHI, heat mitigation strategies, or the need for heat-resilient infrastructure.

By mid-century, India will be home to 600-700 million urban residents, most of them in heat-stressed cities. Without integrated action, we risk a future where outdoor work becomes unsafe for millions, inequality deepens, and cities completely rely on cooling appliances to survive.

Bhubaneswar’s IHCAP, however, shows that cities can avoid this dystopian future and break the vicious cycle of heat and cooling through scientific modelling, innovative planning, and forward-looking policy.

Delhi’s old car muddle

Posted on by Chandra Bhushan

The Delhi government has taken a U-turn from its initiative to deny fuel and impound diesel vehicles older than 10 years and petrol vehicles older than 15 years, largely due to public backlash. The Commission for Air Quality Management (CAQM), which had given this direction, has now decided to postpone this action to November.

But I’m somewhat amused by this entire episode. I am amused by the sudden public outrage over this directive as many seem to believe this is a new crackdown. But here’s the fact: these vehicles were banned in Delhi nearly seven years ago, on October 30, 2018, when the Delhi government began enforcing a Supreme Court-backed order that prohibits such vehicles not just from operating, but even from being parked or being present in the city. The latest directive was merely an attempt to enforce an old order using a new method.

In fact, law-abiding citizens have been selling their older vehicles ever since the 2018 law. Take my case. I sold my well-maintained 10-year-old Bharat Stage IV diesel car — barely run for 100,000 km — in 2022. It went to a tour operator in Punjab at a bargain price so generous that he still sends me Diwali sweets. I didn’t want to part with the car, but the law left me no choice. And I wasn’t alone. Over the past seven years, lakhs of Delhiites have sold their vehicles to comply with the ban. Of course, the majority of these vehicles have not gone to scrapyards as intended; instead, they’ve been relocated to other parts of the country, polluting their environments instead.

So, why has the Delhi government decided to enforce the refuelling restriction now, seven years after banning these vehicles? More specifically, why has the CAQM issued this direction at this moment? Do they have data showing that the original ban has been ineffective? The answer is no. The fact is, the entire air quality action plan being enforced by the Delhi government and agencies like CAQM is bereft of data. There is no evidence showing the impact of the vehicle ban on air quality — or even tracking the enforcement of the ban itself.

Take the case of enforcement. There is no formal vehicle deregistration system in Delhi. Even when vehicles are scrapped, they remain technically “registered” with the Regional Transport Office (RTO). Owners are expected to voluntarily deregister their vehicles — a process so tedious that few attempt it. This bureaucratic blind spot means the government has no reliable data on how many vehicles remain on Delhi’s roads, let alone how much pollution they continue to cause. And that’s the crux of the issue — an absence of governance systems to enforce or evaluate its actions.

The CAQM’s decision to block fuel sales, therefore, is not driven by scientific insight or robust data. Delhi has spent years creating the illusion of action without building the capacity to measure impact. Despite the relentless headlines on Delhi’s air pollution, there is no data showing whether banning vehicles or halting construction during winter has improved air quality. We’re acting in a blindfolded manner, hoping that symbolic policies will solve real problems.

And that brings us to the real question: does banning 10-year-old diesel and 15-year-old petrol vehicles help? The honest answer: not much.

Vehicles contribute less than 10 percent of Delhi’s PM 2.5 emissions. Of that, the majority comes from two- and three-wheelers. But we know that banning two-wheelers is a political hot potato and therefore difficult to enforce. That means cars — which contribute less than 5 percent to Delhi’s PM 2.5 problem — are the main focus of the ban. The impact of banning cars on air quality, therefore, will be minimal.

This is exactly why the much-hyped odd-even vehicle rationing scheme failed. It ignored the science of air pollution and tried to project political will through traffic gimmicks. Banning cars based on age and denying them fuel is another version of the same performative theatre.

In fact, these policies will do more harm than good to the environment. They prematurely dispose vehicles, pushing people to buy new ones, thereby boosting automobile sales and adding more vehicles to the road. In addition, every new vehicle carries a hidden environmental cost in terms of emissions from raw materials, manufacturing, and logistics.

Rather than fixing arbitrary age limits, a sensible vehicle retirement policy would be based on fitness. Around the world, vehicles are allowed to operate as long as they pass periodic fitness checks, including emissions testing. A 15-year-old car that is well maintained and meets pollution standards is less harmful than a new one, if we consider the environmental impact of a vehicle’s full lifecycle.

But the problem is that India lacks the necessary infrastructure to make this happen. There’s no robust inspection and certification (I&C) system, no reliable pollution testing, and no systematic registration-deregistration process for vehicles. Nor do we have an effective network of End-of-Life Vehicle collection and recycling centres. If we’re serious about reducing vehicular pollution, we must invest in a credible and modern vehicle lifecycle management system.

Let me be very clear: banning polluting vehicles is a good idea. Old, polluting vehicles must be phased out. But they must be banned through a structured, evidence-based, and environmentally sound policy regime — not ad hoc decisions. In the absence of systems, such bans serve more as virtue signalling than pollution control. The air will not get cleaner because you made life harder for a few car owners. It will get cleaner when you treat clean air not as a slogan, but as a regional economy-wide problem — one that needs a long-term plan, and scientific and institutional investment. 

 

Virtue Signalling Doesn’t Control Pollution

Posted on by Chandra Bhushan

Public outrage has muted Delhi’s drive to push out old cars. Bigger problem is that clean air policies are fashioned without scientific insight or robust data. Some actually hurt the environment

Public backlash has forced Delhi govt to walk back from its initiative to impound ‘end of life’ vehicles. But before this, the sudden outrage over the directive to stop refuelling diesel vehicles older than 10 years and petrol vehicles older than 15 years was somewhat amusing. Many seemed to believe this was a new crackdown.

But these vehicles were banned in Delhi nearly seven years ago, on Oct 30, 2018, when govt began enforcing a Supreme Court backed order that prohibits such vehicles not just from operating, but even from being parked or present in the city. So, the fuel denial directive was merely an attempt to enforce an old order using a new method.

In fact, law-abiding citizens have been selling their older vehicles ever since the 2018 law. I sold my well-maintained 10 years old Bharat Stage IV diesel car (barely run for 100,000 km) in 2022. It went to a tour operator in Punjab at a bargain price so generous that he still sends me Diwali sweets.

Over the past seven years, lakhs of Delhiites have sold their vehicles to comply with the ban. Of course, the majority of these vehicles have not gone to scrap yards as intended; instead, they’ve been relocated to other parts of the country, polluting their environments instead.

So, why did Delhi govt decide to enforce the refuelling restriction seven years after banning these vehicles? Did the Commission for Air Quality Management have data showing that the original ban had been ineffective? No. There entire air quality action plan being enforced by Delhi govt and agencies like CAQM is bereft of data. There is no evidence showing the impact of vehicle ban on air quality, or even tracking the enforcement of the ban itself.

There is no formal vehicle deregistration system in Delhi. In effect, end-of-life vehicles are permanently technically ‘registered’ with the Regional Transport Office. Owners are expected to voluntarily deregister their vehicles – a process so tedious that few attempt it. This bureaucratic blind spot means govt has no reliable data on how many vehicles remain on Delhi’s roads, let alone how much pollution they continue to cause.

CAQM’s decision to block fuel sales, therefore, was not driven by scientific insight or robust data. Delhi has spent years creating the illusion of action without building the capacity to measure impact. Despite the relentless headlines on its air pollution, there is no data showing whether banning vehicles or halting construction during winters has improved air quality. We’re acting blindfolded, hoping that symbolic policies will solve real problems.

That brings us to the real question: does banning 10-year-old diesel and 15-year-old petrol vehicles help? Not much. Vehicles contribute less than 10% of Delhi’s PM2.5 emissions. Of that, the majority comes from two- and three-wheelers. But banning two-wheelers is a political hot potato and therefore difficult to enforce. That means cars (which contribute less than 5% to Delhi’s PM2.5 problem) are the main focus of the ban, even though the impact of banning cars on air quality would be minimal.

This is exactly why the much-hyped odd-even vehicle rationing scheme failed. It ignored the science of air pollution and tried to project political will through traffic gimmicks. Banning cars based on age and denying them fuel is another version of the same performative theatre.

Such policies do more harm than good to the environment. Prematurely disposing of vehicles, pushing people to buy new ones, boosts automobile sales and adds more vehicles to the road. In addition, every new vehicle carries a hidden environmental cost in terms of emissions from raw materials, manufacturing and logistics.

Rather than fixing arbitrary age limits, a sensible vehicle retirement policy would be based on fitness. Around the world, vehicles are allowed to operate as long as they pass periodic fitness checks, including emissions testing. A 15-year-old car that is well-maintained and meets pollution standards is less harmful than a new one, if we consider the environmental impact of a vehicle’s full life cycle.

But the problem is that India lacks the necessary infra to make this happen. There’s no robust inspection and certification system, no reliable pollution testing, and no systematic registration or deregistration process for vehicles. Nor do we have an effective network of end-of-life vehicle collection and recycling centres. If we’re serious about reducing vehicular pollution, we must invest in a credible and modern vehicle lifecycle management system.

To be clear, banning polluting vehicles is a good idea. Old, polluting vehicles must be phased out. But they must be banned through a structured, evidence-based, and environmentally sound policy regime, not ad hoc decisions. In the absence of systems, such bans serve more as virtue signalling than pollution control.

The air will not get cleaner because you make life harder for car owners. It will get cleaner when you treat clean air not as a slogan, but as a system – one that needs long-term, scientific, and institutional investment.

 

 

Why Rooftop Solar Power can be Assam’s Trump Card!

Posted on by Suhail Mir

Today, Assam sources more than 70% of its electricity from coal and gas. Just 9% comes from renewable sources.

Assam is at a pivotal moment in its energy story. With electricity demand expected to double over the next decade, the State faces the dual challenge of meeting growing consumption while moving away from polluting fossil fuels. Today, Assam sources more than 70% of its electricity from coal and gas. Just 9% comes from renewable sour.

Assam is an energy-deficient State. Long transmission lines from distant coal plants lead to transmission losses and grid stress. How can Assam build a cleaner, more resilient power system that serves its people equitably?

The answer could be right above our heads.

Rooftop solar is emerging as the most practical, inclusive, and sustainable way forward for Assam. Unlike large solar parks or hydropower projects, it doesn’t need extra land or huge expenses, only unused rooftop space. It bypasses transmission bottlenecks, putting power directly in people’s hands. It fits well with Assam’s geography too, where land availability is limited.

The State has made some promising moves. Assam’s clean energy policy now targets 1,900 megawatts of rooftop solar by 2030, up from 300 megawatts earlier. Gujarat and Maharashtra have already installed about 5,300 MW and 3,400 MW, while Assam has installed just 75 MW.

Recognising this, the government offers a Rs 15,000 per kW subsidy, in addition to Central schemes like the PM Surya Ghar Muft Bijli Yojana (Rs 33,000 per kW). Rooftop solar is structured across government, commercial and industrial, and residential segments, with Assam Power Distribution Corporation Limited (APDCL) leading the charge.

According to a study by iFOREST, Assam has a total rooftop availability of 737.1 km², with 86% in rural areas. Nearly 95% is spread across residential and mixed-use buildings. The study shows that the State can generate more than 13,000 MW of solar electricity – enough to meet 100% of Assam’s annual power demand based on current consumption.

Urban centres such as Kamrup Metropolitan – especially Guwahati – offer the highest potential. Guwahati can host between 625 and 985 MW of rooftop solar. Areas such as Lokhra, Garchuk, Khanapara, Garbhanga, Sarusajai, Borsajai, Sawkuchi and parts of Dakhingaon stand out. Basistha, Dispur and Kahilipara are not far behind. If fully tapped, these can reduce the city’s dependence on grid-supplied thermal power.

What makes rooftop solar special is how people-powered it is. Rooftop solar is affordable, scalable and democratic. Every family, school, shop, village and city can tap into it. This is energy that citizens can invest in to run their homes, schools, shops and societies. Once installed, it slashes electricity bills – sometimes nearly to zero – and improves reliability. A typical household in Assam can cut electricity bills by 50% to 90%, depending on weather, usage and system size. Solar also provides backup during power cuts and peak demand periods. Assam gets over 280 sunny days a year, making rooftop solar a dependable option.

It’s also zero-carbon. Rooftop solar is clean, local and community-driven. Scaling it can create thousands of green jobs. If Assam harnesses the full 13,000 MW potential, this could mean 1.8 lakh jobs, especially for local youth. Good policies can fail if systems are not responsive. Across India, people have faced hurdles – delays in approvals, complicated paperwork, late subsidy payments, and substandard installations. Assam must avoid these pitfalls.

So, what will it take to unlock Assam’s rooftop solar potential?

  • First, streamline processes. Approvals and subsidy applications should be fast, simple and transparent.
  • Second, unlock finance. Even after subsidies, upfront costs remain a barrier. Assam must partner with banks and rural financial institutions to offer low-interest solar loans.
  • Third, assure quality. Poor installations damage trust. A State-certified registry of installers, backed by training programmes, can ensure quality. Every district should have skilled technicians.
  • Fourth, show it works. Schools, shops, government buildings and housing societies should serve as demonstration sites. When people see solar working in their community, it builds trust.
  • Finally, match policy with action. Set clear timelines for approvals, payments and financing. Invest in local skills and quality checks.

Citizens also play a role. Ask your neighbour about their solar panel. Request quotes from vendors. A solar-powered shop sends a message: green, modern, future-ready.
Imagine every home in Sarusajai, Lokhra or Dispur powered by the sun. Rooftop solar is a symbol of empowerment. Assam must walk the talk on clean energy, roof by roof, family by family, village by village. Because this shift is ultimately a profound act for better air, reliable energy and green livelihoods.

The material question

Posted on by Chandra Bhushan

Plastic pollution needs industrial transformation, not just environmental regulations.

On World Environment Day this year, hundreds — if not thousands — of events were organised across India to address plastic pollution, echoing the day’s official theme: “Beat Plastic Pollution”. A quick scan of social media reveals that the primary focus of these events was on eliminating polythene bags, reducing littering, improving collection and segregation, and promoting recycling and reuse.

But the sobering reality is this: Despite decades of effort, globally, only 9% of plastic waste is recycled, 50% ends up in landfills, 19% is incinerated, and the remaining 22% is either littered or openly burnt — polluting land, water, and air. Even in advanced economies, plastics largely end up in landfills or incinerators —very little is actually recycled.

In India, where plastic consumption is surging, the challenge is particularly acute due to weak waste management infrastructure. While the plastic recycling rate is relatively high — about 40% — much of this is downcycling into low-value products that re-enter the waste stream relatively quickly. As a result, India is now considered the world’s top producer of unmanaged plastic waste. So, can we truly “beat” plastic pollution by just improving recycling and reuse?

First, it is important to understand the profound disconnect between the inherent nature of plastic and the products manufactured from it. Plastic is, quite literally, a “forever material”, It can take decades to centuries to decompose, and even then, it never truly disappears. Instead, it fragments into progressively smaller pieces, ultimately becoming microplastics — insidious particles now linked to serious health ailments, including cancer.Yet, this “forever material” is predominantly used for short-life products — items designed to be used and discarded within days. These are what we commonly refer to as single-use plastics (SUPs), used mostly for packaging.

From thin plastic bags to food wrappers, bottles, and sachets, plastic packaging dominates our lives — and our garbage bins. It is cheap to produce but expensive to collect and recycle, leading to widespread littering. In India, the use of plastic packaging has ballooned. Today, 60% of all plastic is used for packaging — far higher than the global average of 40%. What’s more, this segment is growing at 8-9% annually, faster than overall plastic use at around 6%. If current trends continue, India’s plastic packaging consumption will nearly double — from 11 million tonnes in 2022 to 20 million tonnes by 2030. Of this, about 70% will be single-use packaging for the food, beverage, and personal/home care sectors.

Regulating plastic packaging

India has been a trend-setter in regulating SUPs. It banned polythene bags thinner than 20 microns in as early as 1999. By 2011, this threshold increased to 40 microns, and municipal authorities were tasked with setting up waste collection centres. The Plastic Waste Management Rules of 2016 further expanded regulations, raising the minimum thickness to 50 microns, extending rules to rural areas, and introducing an extended producer responsibility (EPR) framework to make plastic producers responsible for waste collection and recycling. In 2022, 19 specific SUP items were banned, and EPR guidelines mandated the recycling of 60-80% of plastic waste by 2027-28. However, the results of all these efforts have been modest. Banned SUPs, including thin plastic bags, are still sold, and plastic producers and recyclers have been found gaming the EPR system by inflating recycling rates.The reason these rules have not delivered is that they have often been enacted in haste, without preparing the ground for transition. For instance, many states banned SUPs with just 90 days’ notice to the industry. Expecting a multi-billion-dollar industry that employs millions of workers to transform overnight is unrealistic.

If there’s one lesson from our 25-year struggle with plastic regulation, it is this: bans and regulations alone will not work. What we need is a well-planned industrial transformation in the plastic and packaging industry.Reducing plastic pollution, therefore, is not just a matter of increasing recycling and reuse; it requires building an entirely new industrial ecosystem. This calls for an integrated industrial, regulatory, and investment road map grounded in five strategic pillars

National plastic strategy: India needs a long-term National Plastic Strategy focused on developing and investing in alternatives to plastics, reducing single-use plastic packaging, cutting plastic demand, and enabling a circular plastic economy.

Packaging policy and standards: A clear policy and enforceable standards for packaging, based on lifecycle assessments, must be developed. These should encourage alternatives, improve recyclability, and reduce overall packaging demand.

Investment in recycling and innovation: Plastic recycling in India is dominated by underfunded and technologically outdated micro, small, and medium enterprises. We need large-scale investments in advanced recycling — including chemical recycling, depolymerisation, and other next-generation methods. This must be backed by dedicated research and development funding to support innovation in recycling processes.

Infrastructure and capacity upgrades: A strong emphasis should be placed on improving existing waste management infrastructure for segregation, sorting, and recycling.

Behavioural change and social awareness: Managing plastic waste requires behavioural shifts in how we buy, consume, and dispose of products. This means investing in public awareness campaigns, school education, and nudging industries to adopt more responsible packaging practices. Ultimately, fighting plastic pollution is not just a technical challenge — it is a cultural one.

The plastic crisis is deeply embedded in our economy, infrastructure, and daily habits. If we continue to treat it solely as an environmental problem, we’ll be stuck in an endless loop of regulations, bans, enforcement failures, and symbolic themes on World Environment Day.

Cooling: Necessity and Emergency

Posted on by Chandra Bhushan

AC temperature cap, while not a game-changer, opens the door to much-needed conversations on an urgent developmental need

The Indian government is reportedly contemplating to limit air conditioner (AC) temperature settings between 20°C and 28°C. This seem like a minor technical move, but it marks an important symbolic step in reshaping our approach to cooling. While it will not, by itself, lead to a significant reduction in energy use — and will face major implementation challenges on the ground — it sends a critical signal about the growing impact of cooling on India’s energy grid, environmental footprint and climate ambitions.

Cooling is the fastest-growing energy-consuming sector in India. With economic growth, rising urbanisation, and more intense and frequent heat waves, demand for air conditioning is surging. Last year, about 15 million ACs were sold in the country — up from just 7.5 million units in 2022. As a result, cooling now accounts for a significant share of electricity consumption, and this is expected to rise exponentially. In Delhi, for example, ACs now account for nearly 40 per cent of the city’s annual electricity use — a figure that rises to 50-60 per cent during summer months, even though only about 30 per cent of households own an AC.

Even with modest penetration, ACs are already a major driver of peak electricity demand, prompting the installation of new coal-fired power plants just to meet summertime surges. In a country heavily reliant on coal, this directly undermines efforts to reduce emissions and meet climate targets. Additionally, the grid — under pressure from this rising load — is becoming increasingly vulnerable to stress and blackouts.

This growth in AC use is particularly problematic because it relies primarily on vapour compression technology — the most energy-intensive and environmentally damaging cooling method. The climate cost of an AC extends well beyond electricity. Most ACs in India use hydrofluorocarbon (HFC) refrigerants — super greenhouse gases with global warming potentials hundreds or even thousands of times higher than carbon dioxide (CO2). Due to frequent leakage and poor servicing practices, these gases are typically refilled every two to three years (in parts of Delhi it is every year).

A typical 1.5-2.0 ton AC contains around 2 kg of HFCs, which, if released, equates to roughly 1.5 tonnes of CO2-equivalent emissions. Add to that the emissions linked to the unit’s annual electricity use — about 1.5 tonnes of CO2 — and the total climate impact comes to around 2.25 tonnes of CO2-equivalent emissions annually. For context, the average car in India emits about 2.0 tonnes of CO2 per year. Running and maintaining a single AC is among the most climate-damaging individual activities.

Yet cooling is no longer a luxury. It has become a basic need. It is essential for health, productivity, and even social stability. Research shows that hot, sleepless nights are linked to increased aggression and violence. For the poor and vulnerable, the lack of cooling is not just uncomfortable, it can be fatal. The challenge, therefore, is to make cooling both accessible and sustainable. India cannot afford billions of energy-guzzling ACs. This will break the grid and the environment. What we need is a complete reimagining of how we keep our homes, offices, and cities cool in ways that serve all people.

This begins with the built environment. Buildings and urban layouts must be designed to stay cool naturally, using high-insulating building materials, shaded façades, reflective roofs, cross-ventilation, and landscaping. Cities must be made cooler through more green spaces, water bodies, reduced asphalt, and materials that lower heat absorption. India must invest in alternatives like centralised cooling and district cooling systems (DCS) — networks that supply chilled water through pipes to buildings, which can then be used for cooling. These systems minimise the need for harmful refrigerants. Studies also show that DCS can reduce cooling demand by 30-40 per cent and cut electricity bills in half. Large-scale district cooling projects are now being planned. Hyderabad Pharma City, for example, aims to install one of the largest DCS facilities in Asia.

At the same time, India must accelerate the development and deployment of super-efficient ACs. They promise up to five times more efficiency than today’s best five-star-rated models. These innovations must be fast-tracked through targeted subsidies, smart regulations, and market transformation programmes to ensure both affordability and wide-scale adoption.

Finally, cooling must be made inclusive. While the rich rely on air conditioners, the majority of India’s population remains vulnerable to extreme heat with little or no access to cooling. Ironically, ACs disproportionately affect the poor through overloaded grids, blackouts, and intensified urban heat islands. We must develop cooling solutions for the poor — low-cost technologies that consume less energy. Public cooling shelters must be established in high-heat, high-poverty areas. Policies must prioritise access for those most at risk — street vendors, workers, slum dwellers, and the elderly. Solutions like shared cooling spaces should be built into urban planning.

The AC temperature cap, while not a game-changer on its own, opens the door to a more urgent conversation. Cooling is now a developmental necessity — but also an environmental and energy emergency. How we choose to cool will shape not only our physical comfort but also our economic resilience and environmental future.

 

In wake of US-Ukraine critical minerals deal, much remains to be done to safeguard developing countries’ interests

Posted on by Srestha Banerjee

Critical minerals are the backbone of the green energy transition, but their supply chains present significant challenges that require urgent diplomatic attention. International diplomatic efforts must prioritise fair trade agreements, technological collaboration, and supply chain diversification.

The deal, initially proposed by the Donald Trump administration earlier this year, had required Ukraine to repay the $500 billion wartime assistance using its mineral reserves. (Reuters)

After months of twists and turns, on April 30, the US and Ukraine signed a minerals deal to establish a joint investment fund aimed at the reconstruction of Ukraine. The fund will be capitalised, in part, by revenue generated from future natural resource extraction in Ukraine, including critical and rare earth minerals, which are essential to developing rapidly growing green energy technologies and industries.

The deal, initially proposed by the Donald Trump administration earlier this year, had required Ukraine to repay the $500 billion wartime assistance using its mineral reserves. It was later revised to create a joint US-Ukraine reconstruction fund, with Ukraine committing 50 per cent of future revenues from government-owned natural resources. The US, on the other hand, will provide military assistance to Ukraine in the form of ammunition, weapons systems, or training as a capital contribution to the fund. Overall, the fund’s investments are intended to unlock further private sector interest in investing in Ukraine’s resources and attract the necessary capital for Ukraine’s reconstruction.

The agreement reflects the Trump administration’s transactional approach to mineral diplomacy. One of the key motivations for the US push to access Ukraine’s mineral resources is to reduce reliance on China, which currently controls about 75 per cent of global rare earth deposits. Since 2023, China has imposed export restrictions on several rare earth minerals to the US amid escalating trade tensions. The “compromised” deal with Ukraine is, therefore, seen as a strategic move by the US to counter China, alongside its pledge of continued military support to Ukraine.

Going forward, this deal could serve as a model for future agreements aimed at securing critical minerals, which are now essential for developing next-generation technologies, industries, and enabling a global shift towards a low-carbon economy.

The shift to a clean energy system is expected to drive a sharp rise in the demand for critical minerals and their steady supply. According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), meeting the Paris Agreement targets will require a significant surge in mineral consumption over the next two decades — more than 40 per cent for copper and rare earth elements, 60-70 per cent for nickel and cobalt, and nearly 90 per cent for lithium.

However, the supply chains for these materials are often marked by geopolitical tensions, economic imbalances, and environmental concerns. While many of these minerals are naturally abundant across different regions, their extraction and processing remain highly concentrated. For example, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) accounts for nearly 70 per cent of global cobalt supply, while China dominates almost 60 per cent of global lithium refining. This concentration creates vulnerabilities, such as market volatility and potential supply chain disruptions.

To mitigate these risks, international diplomatic efforts must prioritise fair trade agreements, technological collaboration, and supply chain diversification. Strong regulatory frameworks and corporate responsibility initiatives are essential to ensuring ethical and sustainable sourcing. Organisations such as the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) and the OECD Due Diligence Guidance for Responsible Mineral Supply Chains provide standards for responsible extraction and trade. Additionally, governments and global institutions should promote circular economy models that emphasise recycling and reuse of critical minerals. The European Union, for instance, has set stringent targets for recovering materials from used batteries and electronic waste, aiming to reduce reliance on newly mined resources.

Critical minerals are the backbone of the green energy transition, but their supply chains present significant challenges that require urgent diplomatic attention. Ensuring a fair distribution of such minerals is essential to support a just and equitable energy transition across borders. Developing nations rich in these resources must be supported to develop these minerals in an environmentally and socially responsible manner. International cooperation should enable resource-rich developing countries to build refining, processing, and manufacturing capabilities. Investments in skills development, infrastructure, and technology transfer can help these nations move up the value chain, ensuring they benefit from the clean energy revolution rather than just supplying raw materials.

Furthermore, South-South cooperation — where developing countries collaborate on sustainable resource management and technological exchange — should be encouraged to boost regional economic development.

Without proactive international cooperation, the rush for these resources can only deepen global inequalities and lead to geopolitical conflicts. A just energy transition demands a cooperative approach that balances economic interests with ethical sourcing, environmental sustainability, and equitable access to mineral wealth.

 

SUMMER: NO HAPPY ENDING

Posted on by Chandra Bhushan

Heat Action Plans across cities will fail because they are not backed by money & they don’t factor in local conditions. Heatwaves must be classified as natural disasters, with legally binding solutions.

The heatwave of 2024 had a devastating impact in most parts of the country. While we will never know the exact number of fatalities, thanks to factors like underreporting and the narrow criteria for recording heat-related deaths, anecdotal evidence suggests they must be in thousands.

For example, in just three days, between June 18 and 20, Delhi Police recovered more than 50 bodies, mostly homeless individuals, as extreme heat swept across the city.

This year’s heatwave is also predicted to be severe. IMD has forecast higher-than-usual temperatures from April to June, with increased heatwave days across large parts of the country. The question is: How prepared are we to deal with the deadly impact of extreme heat in 2025?

First, awareness of heatwaves has increased significantly in recent years. Consequently, GOI has responded on two fronts to support states and cities in developing action plans. Ministry of health and family welfare has released a National Action Plan on Heat-Related Illnesses to capacitate hospitals to manage heat-affected patients.

Additionally, the National Heat-Related Illness and Death Surveillance system has been put in place to track health impacts. However, its data is generally not made public. For instance, we still do not have official figures for heat-related deaths in 2024.

NDMA, on the other hand, is assisting states, districts and cities in developing Heat Action Plans (HAPs). Recently, NDMA has asked all states, including those in the Himalayas, to develop HAPs and implement preventive measures. Reportedly, NDMA plans to introduce 300 more HAPs at the city level. HAPs are now the primary tool for mitigating the impact of heatwaves in cities and districts. But how effectively are these action plans being implemented, and can they save lives and livelihoods?

To find the answer, my colleagues and I undertook a comprehensive assessment of HAPs in nine cities and five districts, including Delhi, Gorakhpur, Vellore, Bhubaneswar and Surat. Our assessment reveals serious shortcomings in the design and implementation of HAPs. Here are the three key findings:

  • HAPs are generic action plans. They fail to consider local factors such as urban heat islands, critical infra, resource availability, and other built environment factors. Hence, most HAPs cannot accurately assess how heatwaves will affect people, infra and essential services. Without localised impact assessments, authorities cannot correctly map vulnerable populations or prepare for cascading failures in critical infra such as water supply, energy, transportation, and public health services. This is precisely what happened in 2024 in many cities when electricity and water supply failed and hospitals were overburdened.
  • Addressing heatwaves requires upgraded infra — cooling shelters, water access points, emergency medical facilities and 24/7 electricity supply — as well as additional resources and personnel. No Indian city has mapped out its resource requirements. Consequently, cities have not allocated dedicated funds for HAP implementation. For example, Delhi’s HAP does not have a budget, rendering it little more than paperwork.
  • The impact of heatwaves can be mitigated by reducing urban heat islands and promoting cool buildings. But NDMA guidelines lack a clear framework for integrating these strategies into HAPs. No Indian city has developed a comprehensive cooling strategy that includes building code revisions, sustainable urban design, and expanded access to cool public spaces.

From the study, it is clear that our approach to heatwave mitigation requires an urgent overhaul. We, therefore, have recommended three immediate steps for policymakers:

New classification system needed | The current definition of heatwaves is based solely on maximum day-time temperatures, ignoring crucial factors like humidity and night-time temperatures.Last year’s experience suggests that high night-time temperatures may have caused significant harm, as people could not recover from the day-time heat stress.

Similarly, the “Feels Like” temperature, which combines heat and humidity to provide a more accurate measure of heat stress, is not considered when issuing warnings. For instance, from June 20 to 26 last year, Delhi experienced seven consecutive days with a “Feels Like” temperature exceeding 50°C, which is considered hazardous. However, because the maximum day-time temperature remained below 40°C, IMD did not classify these days as official heatwave days. We need a new classification system that incorporates high day-time and night-time temperatures and the “Feels Like” temperature to trigger early warnings effectively.

Heatwaves as natural disasters | Unlike cyclones and floods, heatwaves are not officially classified as natural disasters under the Disaster Management Act, 2005. This prevents states from accessing crucial disaster relief funds. Recognising heatwaves as natural disasters will unlock resources and improve coordination across agencies.

Focused & legally binding solutions | NDMA must revise its guidelines to make HAPs actionable, city-specific and legally binding. This includes defining financial provisions, mandating infra upgrades, and integrating heat mitigation into urban planning. Cities must move beyond vague recommendations and develop real Heat and Cooling Action Plans (HCAPs) that focus on reducing temperatures, providing sustainable cooling solutions, and ensuring rescue and relief from the heat.

As the climate crisis intensifies, half-measures will no longer suffice. Heatwaves are now among the deadliest natural hazards facing the country. Without immediate and comprehensive reforms, the next heatwave will bring not just unbearable temperatures but also another avoidable tragedy.

The big challenge that road freight, India’s primary mode of transport, faces

Posted on by Nidhi Bali

Freight is essential to India’s growth, targeting a $30 trillion economy by 2047. Modernising freight, especially through EVs and ZE-MHDVs, can slash emissions and costs. However, small fleet operators face high adaptation costs, and marginalized communities risk displacement. A just, inclusive approach is vital for a sustainable, equitable transition, ensuring all benefit.

Freight is key to India’s growth, and crucial for trade, supply chains and jobs. As India aims for a $30 tn economy by 2047, modernising freight can cut costs, boost SMEs and drive expansion. But India’s primary mode of transport – road freight – faces a challenge. It accounts for 71% of the total freight volume, and is also responsible for 90% of the sector’s carbon emissions.

At the same time, clogged infrastructure is straining India’s road transport network, driving up logistics costs that are now 14% of GDP. PM Gati Shakti and other logistics policy initiatives aim at multimodal integration and reducing dependence on road freight through dedicated freight corridors, rail electrification and service offerings like roll-on, roll-off (RoRo).

The shift to EVs, especially zero-emission medium- and heavy-duty trucks (ZE-MHDVs), could transform road freight. With Tesla slated to enter India, we are already seeing a broader acceptance of EVs, boosting domestic manufacturing of batteries and components, and large-scale development of EV infrastructure. This shift could reduce emissions, lower costs and improve air quality, while advancing sustainability goals. But decarbonising freight must also consider justice, equity and inclusion – no just the environment. Electrification and ZE tech hold promise, but a just transition faces hurdles.

Costs of adopting electric trucks, for example, are high, and small fleet operators – who make up a substantial portion of the market – are particularly vulnerable. Higher upfront and operational costs for e-trucks, coupled with a lack of total cost of ownership parity for medium-duty trucks, threaten to leave small operators behind.

India’s informal auto component makers and low-skilled manufacturing workers, often from marginalised communities, risk being displaced as the demand for traditional vehicle parts diminishes.

Inadequate charging infra, congestion-led delays, unreliable grid capacity and poor road conditions exacerbate operational challenges for ZE trucks. For vulnerable groups such as women, LGBTQIA+ individuals and marginalised communities, unsafe work environments and exclusion from tech training programmes further compound the difficulties of adapting to a digitised, electrified freight system.

Informal truck scrapping and battery recycling pose health and environmental risks. By 2044, over 50 lakh trucks will need scrapping, adding to the e-waste burden.

Despite these challenges, the transition to ZETs offers substantial opportunities

Reduce harmful emissions, improving urban air quality and health outcomes.

Retrofitting existing diesel trucks with electric powertrains could extend their lifespan by up to 10 years, providing a more cost-effective alternative to purchasing new vehicles. This approach can help small businesses and fleet operators.

Cost of ownership for e-trucks is expected to be lower than that of diesel counterparts by 2030, particularly for larger vehicles. Lower fuel and maintenance costs, alongside falling prices of EV components, will make the electrification of freight more affordable, especially with the support of policies like the PM E-DRIVE initiative and the PLI scheme.

Targeted training programmes can open career opportunities for women and marginalised groups. Empowering these groups through skill development in e-truck maintenance, AI-based route optimisation and digital literacy will not only improve their economic opportunities but also foster a more inclusive workforce.

Improving working conditions for truck drivers through better ergonomics, safety protocols and reduced working hours will help address some of the sector’s most pressing issues, making the profession more aspirational and sustainable.

The path forward requires a comprehensive, just and inclusive framework to guide the transition to green freight in India – a framework built around multiple outcomes:

  • Greening, including green manufacturing, circular economy practices, retrofitting, and greening of warehousing and logistics.
  • Improving freight mobility by ensuring robust infra is available in hinterlands, innovations are accessible to small operators and SMEs, and multimodal integration is achieved for ZETs.
  • Ensuring equity and diversity so as not to leave vulnerable societal segments behind.
  • Enhancing the resilience of the sector to adapt to changing technologies while protecting worker rights.

India’s freight sector is at a crossroads, and the decision to decarbonise trucking is not just a technological shift but a chance to reimagine the future of green logistics and the economy. The transition to ZETs holds the potential to reduce emissions, lower logistics costs in the long term and create a more inclusive workforce.

However, to unlock these benefits, GoI, businesses and civil society must work together to ensure that the transition is just and equitable for everyone – from citizens, shippers, small freight operators and logistics service providers, to small component manufacturers and the entire workforce.

A balanced, multimodal approach can drive both economic growth and decarbonisation. Urban congestion may require innovations like underground freight transport and optimised ZET use. With integration, fairness and sustainability, India can build a freight system that fuels its ambitions while uplifting all citizens.

Social media & sharing icons powered by UltimatelySocial