Month: April 2025

SUMMER: NO HAPPY ENDING

Posted on by Chandra Bhushan

Heat Action Plans across cities will fail because they are not backed by money & they don’t factor in local conditions. Heatwaves must be classified as natural disasters, with legally binding solutions.

The heatwave of 2024 had a devastating impact in most parts of the country. While we will never know the exact number of fatalities, thanks to factors like underreporting and the narrow criteria for recording heat-related deaths, anecdotal evidence suggests they must be in thousands.

For example, in just three days, between June 18 and 20, Delhi Police recovered more than 50 bodies, mostly homeless individuals, as extreme heat swept across the city.

This year’s heatwave is also predicted to be severe. IMD has forecast higher-than-usual temperatures from April to June, with increased heatwave days across large parts of the country. The question is: How prepared are we to deal with the deadly impact of extreme heat in 2025?

First, awareness of heatwaves has increased significantly in recent years. Consequently, GOI has responded on two fronts to support states and cities in developing action plans. Ministry of health and family welfare has released a National Action Plan on Heat-Related Illnesses to capacitate hospitals to manage heat-affected patients.

Additionally, the National Heat-Related Illness and Death Surveillance system has been put in place to track health impacts. However, its data is generally not made public. For instance, we still do not have official figures for heat-related deaths in 2024.

NDMA, on the other hand, is assisting states, districts and cities in developing Heat Action Plans (HAPs). Recently, NDMA has asked all states, including those in the Himalayas, to develop HAPs and implement preventive measures. Reportedly, NDMA plans to introduce 300 more HAPs at the city level. HAPs are now the primary tool for mitigating the impact of heatwaves in cities and districts. But how effectively are these action plans being implemented, and can they save lives and livelihoods?

To find the answer, my colleagues and I undertook a comprehensive assessment of HAPs in nine cities and five districts, including Delhi, Gorakhpur, Vellore, Bhubaneswar and Surat. Our assessment reveals serious shortcomings in the design and implementation of HAPs. Here are the three key findings:

  • HAPs are generic action plans. They fail to consider local factors such as urban heat islands, critical infra, resource availability, and other built environment factors. Hence, most HAPs cannot accurately assess how heatwaves will affect people, infra and essential services. Without localised impact assessments, authorities cannot correctly map vulnerable populations or prepare for cascading failures in critical infra such as water supply, energy, transportation, and public health services. This is precisely what happened in 2024 in many cities when electricity and water supply failed and hospitals were overburdened.
  • Addressing heatwaves requires upgraded infra — cooling shelters, water access points, emergency medical facilities and 24/7 electricity supply — as well as additional resources and personnel. No Indian city has mapped out its resource requirements. Consequently, cities have not allocated dedicated funds for HAP implementation. For example, Delhi’s HAP does not have a budget, rendering it little more than paperwork.
  • The impact of heatwaves can be mitigated by reducing urban heat islands and promoting cool buildings. But NDMA guidelines lack a clear framework for integrating these strategies into HAPs. No Indian city has developed a comprehensive cooling strategy that includes building code revisions, sustainable urban design, and expanded access to cool public spaces.

From the study, it is clear that our approach to heatwave mitigation requires an urgent overhaul. We, therefore, have recommended three immediate steps for policymakers:

New classification system needed | The current definition of heatwaves is based solely on maximum day-time temperatures, ignoring crucial factors like humidity and night-time temperatures.Last year’s experience suggests that high night-time temperatures may have caused significant harm, as people could not recover from the day-time heat stress.

Similarly, the “Feels Like” temperature, which combines heat and humidity to provide a more accurate measure of heat stress, is not considered when issuing warnings. For instance, from June 20 to 26 last year, Delhi experienced seven consecutive days with a “Feels Like” temperature exceeding 50°C, which is considered hazardous. However, because the maximum day-time temperature remained below 40°C, IMD did not classify these days as official heatwave days. We need a new classification system that incorporates high day-time and night-time temperatures and the “Feels Like” temperature to trigger early warnings effectively.

Heatwaves as natural disasters | Unlike cyclones and floods, heatwaves are not officially classified as natural disasters under the Disaster Management Act, 2005. This prevents states from accessing crucial disaster relief funds. Recognising heatwaves as natural disasters will unlock resources and improve coordination across agencies.

Focused & legally binding solutions | NDMA must revise its guidelines to make HAPs actionable, city-specific and legally binding. This includes defining financial provisions, mandating infra upgrades, and integrating heat mitigation into urban planning. Cities must move beyond vague recommendations and develop real Heat and Cooling Action Plans (HCAPs) that focus on reducing temperatures, providing sustainable cooling solutions, and ensuring rescue and relief from the heat.

As the climate crisis intensifies, half-measures will no longer suffice. Heatwaves are now among the deadliest natural hazards facing the country. Without immediate and comprehensive reforms, the next heatwave will bring not just unbearable temperatures but also another avoidable tragedy.

The big challenge that road freight, India’s primary mode of transport, faces

Posted on by Nidhi Bali

Freight is essential to India’s growth, targeting a $30 trillion economy by 2047. Modernising freight, especially through EVs and ZE-MHDVs, can slash emissions and costs. However, small fleet operators face high adaptation costs, and marginalized communities risk displacement. A just, inclusive approach is vital for a sustainable, equitable transition, ensuring all benefit.

Freight is key to India’s growth, and crucial for trade, supply chains and jobs. As India aims for a $30 tn economy by 2047, modernising freight can cut costs, boost SMEs and drive expansion. But India’s primary mode of transport – road freight – faces a challenge. It accounts for 71% of the total freight volume, and is also responsible for 90% of the sector’s carbon emissions.

At the same time, clogged infrastructure is straining India’s road transport network, driving up logistics costs that are now 14% of GDP. PM Gati Shakti and other logistics policy initiatives aim at multimodal integration and reducing dependence on road freight through dedicated freight corridors, rail electrification and service offerings like roll-on, roll-off (RoRo).

The shift to EVs, especially zero-emission medium- and heavy-duty trucks (ZE-MHDVs), could transform road freight. With Tesla slated to enter India, we are already seeing a broader acceptance of EVs, boosting domestic manufacturing of batteries and components, and large-scale development of EV infrastructure. This shift could reduce emissions, lower costs and improve air quality, while advancing sustainability goals. But decarbonising freight must also consider justice, equity and inclusion – no just the environment. Electrification and ZE tech hold promise, but a just transition faces hurdles.

Costs of adopting electric trucks, for example, are high, and small fleet operators – who make up a substantial portion of the market – are particularly vulnerable. Higher upfront and operational costs for e-trucks, coupled with a lack of total cost of ownership parity for medium-duty trucks, threaten to leave small operators behind.

India’s informal auto component makers and low-skilled manufacturing workers, often from marginalised communities, risk being displaced as the demand for traditional vehicle parts diminishes.

Inadequate charging infra, congestion-led delays, unreliable grid capacity and poor road conditions exacerbate operational challenges for ZE trucks. For vulnerable groups such as women, LGBTQIA+ individuals and marginalised communities, unsafe work environments and exclusion from tech training programmes further compound the difficulties of adapting to a digitised, electrified freight system.

Informal truck scrapping and battery recycling pose health and environmental risks. By 2044, over 50 lakh trucks will need scrapping, adding to the e-waste burden.

Despite these challenges, the transition to ZETs offers substantial opportunities

Reduce harmful emissions, improving urban air quality and health outcomes.

Retrofitting existing diesel trucks with electric powertrains could extend their lifespan by up to 10 years, providing a more cost-effective alternative to purchasing new vehicles. This approach can help small businesses and fleet operators.

Cost of ownership for e-trucks is expected to be lower than that of diesel counterparts by 2030, particularly for larger vehicles. Lower fuel and maintenance costs, alongside falling prices of EV components, will make the electrification of freight more affordable, especially with the support of policies like the PM E-DRIVE initiative and the PLI scheme.

Targeted training programmes can open career opportunities for women and marginalised groups. Empowering these groups through skill development in e-truck maintenance, AI-based route optimisation and digital literacy will not only improve their economic opportunities but also foster a more inclusive workforce.

Improving working conditions for truck drivers through better ergonomics, safety protocols and reduced working hours will help address some of the sector’s most pressing issues, making the profession more aspirational and sustainable.

The path forward requires a comprehensive, just and inclusive framework to guide the transition to green freight in India – a framework built around multiple outcomes:

  • Greening, including green manufacturing, circular economy practices, retrofitting, and greening of warehousing and logistics.
  • Improving freight mobility by ensuring robust infra is available in hinterlands, innovations are accessible to small operators and SMEs, and multimodal integration is achieved for ZETs.
  • Ensuring equity and diversity so as not to leave vulnerable societal segments behind.
  • Enhancing the resilience of the sector to adapt to changing technologies while protecting worker rights.

India’s freight sector is at a crossroads, and the decision to decarbonise trucking is not just a technological shift but a chance to reimagine the future of green logistics and the economy. The transition to ZETs holds the potential to reduce emissions, lower logistics costs in the long term and create a more inclusive workforce.

However, to unlock these benefits, GoI, businesses and civil society must work together to ensure that the transition is just and equitable for everyone – from citizens, shippers, small freight operators and logistics service providers, to small component manufacturers and the entire workforce.

A balanced, multimodal approach can drive both economic growth and decarbonisation. Urban congestion may require innovations like underground freight transport and optimised ZET use. With integration, fairness and sustainability, India can build a freight system that fuels its ambitions while uplifting all citizens.

A missed opportunity for social justice in mining regions

Posted on by Chandra Bhushan

Urgent reforms required to make District Mineral Foundations an instrument for social justice.

The District Mineral Foundation (DMF) was conceived as a transformative institution to ensure those who bear the brunt of mining activities also share its benefits. Set up in March 2015 under the Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Act, the DMF is designed to channel mining revenues to improve the lives and livelihoods of affected communities. However, a detailed assessment of 23 states and key DMF districts by me and my colleagues paints a concerning picture.

While DMFs have collected over Rs 1.03 lakh crore, only about 40% has been utilised. Worse, much of this spending has been directed towards capital-intensive projects — roads, bridges, buildings, parking lots, and water pipelines — that should ideally be funded by state and central government budgets. The projects that matter most to mining-affected communities — livelihoods, skills, education, health, and support for small businesses — have received minimal investments.

With India’s continued economic growth and increasing mineral demand for the energy transition and net-zero goals, this fund will continue to expand. Our projections indicate Rs 2.5-3 lakh crore could be collected over the next 10 years. If this money is utilised prudently, it can transform the lives of millions of India’s poorest people. We must therefore ask: Will the DMF be yet another noble initiative that failed to deliver, or will it evolve into a truly participatory and people-centric institution?

Intent vs reality

DMFs came into being after decade-long discussions on the issue of “resource curse”. The fact that India’s richest mining districts are inhabited by some of its poorest people prompted the government to set up the DMF as a non-profit trust. Mining firms are required to contribute an amount equal to 10-30% of the royalty to DMFs for investments to improve the lives of affected people. In September 2015, the government launched the Pradhan Mantri Khanij Kshetra Kalyan Yojana (PMKKKY) to guide DMFs on planning, prioritising, and utilising the funds.

DMFs are present in 645 districts, but the funds are largely concentrated in 50. In fact, the top 21 districts, which have each collected at least Rs 1,000 crore, account for nearly two-thirds of the total DMF accruals. These districts are largely tribal-dominated with high multi-dimensional poverty.

Our assessment shows that the biggest challenge with DMF implementation is governance. DMFs in all districts essentially function as extensions of the district collectorate, with district collectors/magistrates chairing both the governing council (GC) and managing committee (MC), undermining the accountability of the institution. The GC and MC are also dominated by officials, MPs, and state legislators, with minimal representation of the affected communities despite legal provisions for their participation. Worse still, none of the districts have identified mining-affected people, making it easier for DMF projects to be dictated by district administrations rather than community needs.

Investment planning is also unstructured in most districts. While annual and perspective planning is mandated under the PMKKKY, no DMF has developed a structured annual plan or published a five-year perspective plan. Most projects are approved in an ad-hoc manner without thorough need assessments involving gram sabhas, another legal infringement.

The failure of the institution has translated into the misallocation of funds. As mentioned above, infrastructure projects have received the largest share of DMF spending, locking the districts into expensive servicing and maintenance.

Consider Jharkhand, where over 40% of the funds have been allocated to large piped drinking water projects. But these projects are plagued by delays and operational inefficiencies, with little investment in decentralised water management solutions that could sustainably serve affected communities. Similarly, in Chhattisgarh, a significant portion of education funds has been spent on building schools and hostels, but without corresponding investments in teachers, learning material, or digital education infrastructure.

The lack of investment in human capital is particularly concerning. Our analysis shows that less than 5% of DMF funds have been spent on employment generation initiatives. In mining districts like Dhanbad and Kendujhar, where thousands of workers have lost livelihoods due to mechanisation and mine closures, DMFs have failed to provide meaningful alternatives.

Need for urgent reform

Despite the shortcomings, the DMF remains the only hope to alleviate poverty and bring development to mining-affected regions. To make it an effective instrument for social justice, the following reforms are critical:

Reform governance: DMFs should be independent, community-led institutions rather than extensions of district administrations. Mining-affected communities must have at least one-third representation in the GC and MC.

Participatory planning: All DMFs should be required to develop five-year perspective plans based on comprehensive community consultations. These should align with district development goals but prioritise the needs of the people.

Fund utilisation in high-priority sectors: The revised PMKKKY guidelines should be strictly enforced to ensure at least 70% of DMF funds are spent on critical needs like healthcare, education, livelihoods, and skill development. State governments must be held accountable for aligning their DMF spending with national guidelines.

Independent oversight: DMFs should be subject to mandatory social audits and financial reviews by independent agencies. The Comptroller and Auditor General should conduct periodic evaluations of DMF spending and impact.

Endowment fund: Many coal-mining districts are facing a future of declining production. DMFs should create endowment funds to support economic diversification and just transition strategies for workers and communities affected by mine closures.

Improve transparency and accountability: Every DMF should maintain an up-to-date website with real-time information on fund allocations, expenditures, and project progress. A grievance redress mechanism should be established to address community concerns about DMF spending.

A decade after its creation, the DMF remains a work in progress. The problem is not a lack of funds but a lack of vision and political will to ensure the DMF serves its intended purpose. For the DMF to truly fulfil its mandate, we need urgent, systemic changes that put communities at the centre of decision-making. Anything less would be a betrayal of the very people the DMF was meant to serve.

Social media & sharing icons powered by UltimatelySocial