How India could soon have days so hot it will impact work

We have entered a new age of heat extremes. Concrete and glass-heavy urban buildings are a major hazard

India is searing. Large parts of the country are in the grips of unbearable heat and heatwaves. March this year was the hottest March on record, and March-April has witnessed a record number of heatwaves. Delhi has recorded eight heatwave days in April so far, and the maximum temperature in parts of the city has already hit 43-45°C, which is 5-7°C above normal. As a result, schools in the capital are struggling to maintain regular timings, and workers engaged in manual labour have practically stopped working during the daytime.

But it is not supposed to be like this in March and April; we should expect such heat in May and June – the year’s hottest months. So, is this a freak year? Is this temperature anomaly unexpected? The answer is no.

Both temperatures and heatwaves have been increasing perceptibly since the 1980s. Each of the last four decades has been progressively warmer than the decade that preceded it. The past decade (2011-20) was the hottest since records began in 1901, and 11 out of 15 warmest years were between 2007 and 2021. Likewise, the heatwave days have also increased every decade since 1980. In addition, the hotspots of intense heatwaves have expanded. They now engulf a large part of the country, hitting areas that were not prone to extreme heat events in the past, like Himachal Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Karnataka.

In fact, there has been an alarming increase in severe heatwaves in southern India. The problem is that south India also experiences high humidity. This means that during the pre-monsoon period, when the humidity is usually high, a heatwave could push the “wet-bulb” temperature (that measures the combined effect of temperature and humidity) beyond 35°C, which few humans can tolerate for a long time because their bodies can’t cool themselves.

According to the latest IPCC report, the intensity and frequency of heatwaves will increase with every increment of warming. For instance, at 1.5°C of global warming (we are at 1.1°C presently), there will be more severe heatwaves and longer warm seasons; at 2°C, “deadly” heatwaves would frequently cross the limits of human survivability.

The report also points out that the Indian subcontinent will be hardest hit by deadly heatwaves. In a worst-case scenario, the number of “climatically stressful” workdays (when workers will have difficulty working outside) will increase to 250 per year.

This means that for 8-9 months a year, there will be a severe impact on worker output, which will have a high cost on the economy. In essence, the IPCC reports point to heatwaves becoming a major calamity in the coming years. The question is, what can we do about this?

  1. First and foremost, mitigation is the best adaptation. Limiting warming to 1.5°C will restrict the number, extent and severity of heat extremes. While the 1.5°C target is becoming challenging every passing year, the latest IPCC report shows we have a small window of opportunity to meet this goal with rapid, deep and immediate GHG emission reductions in all sectors.

The good news, as the IPCC report points out, is that several mitigation options, notably solar and wind energy, energy efficiency, the greening of urban infrastructure, demand-side management, improved forest and land management, and reduced food waste are cost-effective and are good for development and jobs.

 

  • Second, the urban heat island effect increases the severity of heatwaves. City centres are now a few degrees warmer than the hinterlands because of the large amounts of heat emitted from our buildings, roads, factories and cars. For example, while air conditioning cools inside, it throws heat outside, increasing the outside temperature.

To combat outside heat, we are installing more and more ACs, thereby unleashing a vicious cycle of spiralling heat island effect. We can break this cycle only by building cities that cool themselves. This means more open spaces, green areas and water bodies, and more energy-efficient green buildings. This leads to the third point.

We are building hothouses and not habitable buildings. Most modern buildings are built with too much concrete, glass and poor shading and ventilation, making them prone to overheating. Even the affordable houses that the government is building for the poor under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana are not habitable on certain days of the year because they are too hot to live in.

Many of these affordable houses will become uninhabitable as the number of days with high temperatures increases due to global warming. Therefore, our building bye-laws, urban planning guidelines and construction technologies must be radically changed to adapt to the rising heat.

  • Lastly, India needs a new heat code. Many regions of the country now experience wet-bulb temperatures exceeding 31°C during certain parts of the year, which is dangerous for manual labour. However, we are not declaring such days as heatwaves because our guidelines are based on dry bulb temperature. Therefore, we need a heat code that outlines the criteria for declaring heatwaves based on wet-bulb temperature. It should also prescribe SOPs for heatwave emergencies, such as work-hour limits and relief measures in public places and hospitals.

Heatwave is theoretical discomfort for some of us who move from an airconditioned home to an air-conditioned car to an air-conditioned office. But it is a matter of life and death for a poor person dependent on manual labour and living in a hothouse in an urban slum or a village. India, therefore, needs a heat action plan that saves the majority from hot extremes.

The writer is CEO, International Forum for Environment Sustainability and Technology (iFOREST)

Ukraine war is terrible news for the fight against climate change

Another arms race will divert resources Another arms race will divert resources from poverty, pandemic and environment crisis.

In response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Tesla CEO Elon Musk recently called on the US to increase its domestic oil and gas production to cut-off imports from Russia.

While new oil and gas wells in the US might not negatively impact Tesla, Musk’s call has undoubtedly given an impetus to oil and gas interests. After all, who could be the best ambassador of fossil fuels in present times than a self-professed climate champion like Musk?

Derailing green commitments

Since the Paris Agreement, there has been much domestic and international pressure on developed countries to reduce fossil fuel production and consumption to combat the climate crisis. While some European countries have put a moratorium on new mines and wells, others have announced targets to end fossil fuels. For example, Germany is phasing out coal by 2038, Denmark has ended all new oil and gas exploration in the North Sea, and Ireland and Spain have banned new oil and gas wells. US President Joe Biden has also promised to end new drilling on federal land. However, the Russian aggression has given fossil fuel interests an excuse to demand a reversal of these policies.

But responding to their demand will be highly detrimental for climate action. According to the International Energy Agency, to meet net zero emissions by 2050, exploitation and development of new oil and gas fields must stop immediately. Moreover, opening new coal mines and oil and gas wells in Europe and the US will mean that these countries, historically the largest climate polluters, will not be able to decarbonise their economies fast enough to meet the 1.5°C goal. This, in turn, will prompt other major fossil fuel producers like Saudi Arabia to shelve their oil and gas phase-down plans; countries like India and China will also curb their climate ambition.

Therefore, the Russia-Ukraine conflict will potentially delay the implementation of the Paris Agreement by a few years by postponing the decarbonisation plans of countries. Most worryingly, it could completely derail the momentum on climate actions by exacerbating global discord and shifting government expenditures to defence.

Another arms race in the making

The world already spends too much money on defence. According to Janes – an open-source defence intelligence agency – the global defence spending rose by 1.9% in 2020 and reached $1.93 trillion. In fact, the current annual global defence budget is sufficient to meet half of the clean energy investments required to reach net zero emissions by 2050. But there are clear indications that the present crisis will boost spending on arms and ammunition in 2022 and beyond.
Germany has tripled its defence budget to $160 billion in the wake of the Russian invasion and will raise it to 2% of GDP by 2024. The other non-US Nato members are also likely to ramp up their spending to 2% of GDP, collectively increasing their defence spending by $100 billion annually. Ironically, $100 billion is what developed countries had promised developing countries as climate finance but have struggled to fulfil it.
The US, which alone accounts for about 40% of worldwide defence spending, will also hike its budget. To counter the US, China has already announced an increase in spending by 7.1% this year. To counter China, Japan plans record spending in 2022, and India’s 2022-23 defence budget ($70.2 billion) is almost 10% above the initial allocation in 2021-22. Therefore, we are most likely entering a new phase of the arms race, which will disrupt all developmental and environmental plans that the world ought to be focussing on.

We sink or swim together

The wars of the 21st century have far-greater ramifications than previous ones. In a highly interconnected and interdependent world, a regional conflict like Russia-Ukraine might jeopardise the global collective action on the climate crisis, which we only have 10 years to solve. It could delay the world’s recovery from Covid by hindering the vaccination drive for 40% of the global population who are not yet fully vaccinated.

We, therefore, can’t afford wars and another global arms race. Hence, it’s in the interest of all to ensure that conflicts are resolved by peaceful means. It’s no more a fanciful idea to push for a global moratorium on defence spending so that we can redirect resources to address real and urgent problems facing the world.

 

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