Ukraine war is terrible news for the fight against climate change

Another arms race will divert resources Another arms race will divert resources from poverty, pandemic and environment crisis.

In response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Tesla CEO Elon Musk recently called on the US to increase its domestic oil and gas production to cut-off imports from Russia.

While new oil and gas wells in the US might not negatively impact Tesla, Musk’s call has undoubtedly given an impetus to oil and gas interests. After all, who could be the best ambassador of fossil fuels in present times than a self-professed climate champion like Musk?

Derailing green commitments

Since the Paris Agreement, there has been much domestic and international pressure on developed countries to reduce fossil fuel production and consumption to combat the climate crisis. While some European countries have put a moratorium on new mines and wells, others have announced targets to end fossil fuels. For example, Germany is phasing out coal by 2038, Denmark has ended all new oil and gas exploration in the North Sea, and Ireland and Spain have banned new oil and gas wells. US President Joe Biden has also promised to end new drilling on federal land. However, the Russian aggression has given fossil fuel interests an excuse to demand a reversal of these policies.

But responding to their demand will be highly detrimental for climate action. According to the International Energy Agency, to meet net zero emissions by 2050, exploitation and development of new oil and gas fields must stop immediately. Moreover, opening new coal mines and oil and gas wells in Europe and the US will mean that these countries, historically the largest climate polluters, will not be able to decarbonise their economies fast enough to meet the 1.5°C goal. This, in turn, will prompt other major fossil fuel producers like Saudi Arabia to shelve their oil and gas phase-down plans; countries like India and China will also curb their climate ambition.

Therefore, the Russia-Ukraine conflict will potentially delay the implementation of the Paris Agreement by a few years by postponing the decarbonisation plans of countries. Most worryingly, it could completely derail the momentum on climate actions by exacerbating global discord and shifting government expenditures to defence.

Another arms race in the making

The world already spends too much money on defence. According to Janes – an open-source defence intelligence agency – the global defence spending rose by 1.9% in 2020 and reached $1.93 trillion. In fact, the current annual global defence budget is sufficient to meet half of the clean energy investments required to reach net zero emissions by 2050. But there are clear indications that the present crisis will boost spending on arms and ammunition in 2022 and beyond.
Germany has tripled its defence budget to $160 billion in the wake of the Russian invasion and will raise it to 2% of GDP by 2024. The other non-US Nato members are also likely to ramp up their spending to 2% of GDP, collectively increasing their defence spending by $100 billion annually. Ironically, $100 billion is what developed countries had promised developing countries as climate finance but have struggled to fulfil it.
The US, which alone accounts for about 40% of worldwide defence spending, will also hike its budget. To counter the US, China has already announced an increase in spending by 7.1% this year. To counter China, Japan plans record spending in 2022, and India’s 2022-23 defence budget ($70.2 billion) is almost 10% above the initial allocation in 2021-22. Therefore, we are most likely entering a new phase of the arms race, which will disrupt all developmental and environmental plans that the world ought to be focussing on.

We sink or swim together

The wars of the 21st century have far-greater ramifications than previous ones. In a highly interconnected and interdependent world, a regional conflict like Russia-Ukraine might jeopardise the global collective action on the climate crisis, which we only have 10 years to solve. It could delay the world’s recovery from Covid by hindering the vaccination drive for 40% of the global population who are not yet fully vaccinated.

We, therefore, can’t afford wars and another global arms race. Hence, it’s in the interest of all to ensure that conflicts are resolved by peaceful means. It’s no more a fanciful idea to push for a global moratorium on defence spending so that we can redirect resources to address real and urgent problems facing the world.

 

The Real Mainstream: IPCC’s climate-speak is all Greek to the masses

The climate watcher has produced nothing for the general public, except for a press release and a set of headlines.

Scientists are good at science but bad at communicating it to the masses. This is precisely why the gap between the scientific understanding of the climate crisis and policy responses widens. The latest Intergovernmental Panel for Climate Change (IPCC) report is a classic example of ineffective communication. Published a few weeks back, it is considered the most comprehensive report on impacts, adaptation and vulnerability, but the presentation leaves much to desire.

The IPCC reports cater to a small set of people. For example, it is 3675 pages long (which very few outside the climate science community would ever read completely) with a 35 page summary. The summary, targeting policymakers, has been written in a complicated way and requires a person with high scientific knowledge to grasp its essence. Besides, IPCC has produced nothing for the general public except for a press release and a set of headlines.

While one can understand the trepidation of the scientific community for generalisation, it is precisely what is needed to get mass support for climate action. Therefore, it is high time that IPCC publishes and disseminates its findings in a way that most can understand and act on. I have attempted to convert the 35-page summary into ten key findings and put it in simple language. I hope that the IPCC would do better than this.

1. The climate crisis is far worse than previously predicted: The impacts on ecology, economy and human well-being are far worse than expected, and adapting to the crisis will be more difficult than anticipated.

2. It is destroying nature: Climate change has already caused substantial damage and increasingly irreversible losses to the biodiversity on land and oceans, including the extinction of hundreds of species. Approximately half of the species assessed globally have shifted polewards or to higher elevations to cope with increasing heat. Further temperature increases will irreversibly damage warm-water coral reefs, coastal wetlands, rainforests, and polar and mountain ecosystems and cause massive extinction of species dependent on these ecosystems.

3. Climate change is harming human health, peace, and wealth:  It has adversely affected physical and mental health. People have died worldwide due to extreme heat, flooding, and other extreme weather events. In addition, the incidence of climate-related food and water-borne and vector-borne diseases has increased. Cardiovascular and respiratory distress have also increased due to wildfire smoke, atmospheric dust, and aeroallergens.

Climate change is also making the poor poorer. For example, outdoor labour productivity, on which the poor depend for income, has reduced due to higher temperatures. Similarly, economic damages from climate change are prominent in agriculture, forestry, fishery, energy, and tourism, which provides the most employment.

Lastly, it is worsening humanitarian crises by driving displacement in all regions. Besides, evidence is emerging that global warming might be contributing to conflicts by creating a scarcity of water and fertile land.

4. India will be affected the worst:  Not every region will get equally impacted. Countries with poverty, governance challenges, limited access to essential services and resources, violent conflict, and high levels of climate-sensitive livelihoods such as smallholder farmers, pastoralists, and fishing communities, will be the worst affected. Approximately 3.3 to 3.6 billion people live in highly vulnerable regions to climate change; a significant proportion of them are in India.

5. Cities are hotspots: Rapidly growing cities of Asia and Africa that house large concentrations of poor people are especially vulnerable. Increasing temperature and poor development practices, like creating concrete jungles and encroachment of forests and water bodies, will increase heatwaves and flooding.

6. We are rapidly approaching the point of no-return: Climate change impacts and risks are becoming increasingly complex and challenging to manage. Multiple climate hazards will coincide, and multiple climatic and non-climatic risks will interact, creating unmanageable situations. Some losses are already irreversible, such as species extinction. Others are approaching the point of no return, such as the impacts on freshwater due to the retreat of glaciers.

7. Mitigation is the best adaptation: With temperatures rising, the inevitable losses will increase. For example, in the coastal ecosystems, the risk of biodiversity loss ranges from moderate and very high by 1.5°C warming but rises to high to very high by 3°C. So, keeping the temperature below 1.5°C by reducing emissions is the best way to save ourselves.

8. Good development practices mean good adaptation: Unsustainable land use, deforestation, biodiversity-loss, and pollution lower the capacities of ecosystems and societies to adapt to climate change. Eliminating unsustainable practices will significantly help adapt to the climate crisis. For instance, enhancing natural water retention in cities by restoring wetlands and rivers, creating no-build zones, etc., will lower flood risk. Similarly, on-farm water management like rainwater harvesting, soil moisture conservation, and efficient irrigation will improve productivity and reduce vulnerability.

9. Leaving nature alone will save us: Safeguarding biodiversity and ecosystems is fundamental to climate-resilient development. Globally, less than 15% of the land, 21% of the freshwater, and 8% of the ocean are protected areas. However, we will have to conserve approximately 30-50% of these areas to maintain the resilience of ecosystem services.

10. Unequivocal political commitment is a must: Implementing climate actions requires considerable upfront investments, while many benefits will only become visible later. To make such investments, unequivocal political commitment and farsighted planning are essential. In addition, new institutional frameworks, policies, and instruments will be required to set clear goals, define responsibilities and obligations, and coordinate amongst various actors.

Besides, governments alone cannot solve this problem; the role of businesses and civil society is equally critical. Raising public awareness and building social movements are essential for greater public and political commitment. Companies will have to play a greater role in reducing emissions and investing in adaptation. The report essentially says if the climate crisis is not a clear and present danger, nothing else is.

हीटवेव और बाढ़ झेलने को तैयार रहें शहर

इंटरगवर्नमेंटल पैनल ऑन क्लाइमेट चेंज (आईपीसीसी) सन 1988 में इसलिए बना, ताकि वह समय-समय पर जलवायु परिवर्तन के बारे में दुनिया के शीर्ष नेताओं को साइंटिफिक नजरिया दे सके। पिछले 34 सालों में आईपीसीसी ने पांच रिपोर्ट जारी की हैं और अब वह छठी रिपोर्ट पब्लिश कर रहा है। इस रिपोर्ट का दूसरा हिस्सा कुछ दिन पहले आया है, जिसकी इन दिनों काफी चर्चा हो रही है। चर्चा इसलिए क्योंकि इसे जलवायु परिवर्तन के प्रभावों और अनुकूलन पर सबसे व्यापक रिपोर्ट माना जा रहा है। इस लेख में हम इस रिपोर्ट से निकली दस जरूरी चीजों पर चर्चा करेंगे।

पिछले साल चेन्नै के शहरी इलाके में आई भीषण बाढ़ (फाइल फोटो: BCCL)

यह कैसा विकास
आईपीसीसी की छठी रिपोर्ट का पहला निष्कर्ष यह है कि जलवायु परिवर्तन का प्रभाव पिछली पांच रिपोर्टों में बताई चेतावनियों से कहीं ज्यादा है और संकट के अनुकूल हो पाना हमारी सोच से भी अधिक कठिन होगा। दूसरी खोज यह है कि जलवायु परिवर्तन अब प्रकृति का विनाश कर रहा है। जमीन या समुद्र में जो जीव-जंतु या पेड़-पौधे हैं, उन्हें इतना ज्यादा नुकसान हो चुका है कि कहीं-कहीं तो इसकी भरपाई ही नहीं हो सकती। सैकड़ों विलुप्त जीव-जंतु अब कभी वापस नहीं आएंगे। रिपोर्ट कहती है कि अगर तापमान 1.5 डिग्री से ज्यादा बढ़ा तो ऐसी चीजें होंगी, जिन्हें हम सैकड़ों सालों में भी ठीक नहीं कर पाएंगे। समुद्र में मूंगों की चट्टानें खराब हो जाएंगी। सुंदरवन जैसी जगहें बर्बाद हो जाएंगी। हमारे नॉर्थ-ईस्ट और वेस्टर्न घाट पर जो वर्षा वन हैं, वे तबाह हो जाएंगे। हिमालय के ग्लेशियर और इको सिस्टम ऐसे खराब होंगे कि फिर कभी रिकवर नहीं कर पाएंगे।

तीसरा निष्कर्ष यह है कि जलवायु परिवर्तन अब इंसानों की सेहत, शांति और संपदा पर प्रभाव डाल रहा है। इसने दुनिया भर में लोगों के शारीरिक और कुछ क्षेत्रों में मानसिक स्वास्थ्य पर प्रतिकूल प्रभाव डाला है। जल जनित और वेक्टर जनित रोगों की घटनाओं में वृद्धि हुई है। हृदय और सांस की बीमारियां भी बढ़ गई हैं। अत्यधिक गर्मी, बाढ़ और अन्य चरम मौसम की घटनाओं के कारण दुनिया भर में लोगों की मौतें हो रही हैं। जलवायु परिवर्तन गरीब को और गरीब बना रहा है। घर के बाहर मेहनत-मजदूरी करना गरीब की जीविका है। भीषण गर्मी ने उनके काम के घंटे घटा दिए हैं, जो आगे और भी कम होंगे और उसी हिसाब से उनकी आय घटती जाएगी। इसी तरह, जलवायु परिवर्तन से सबसे ज्यादा आर्थिक नुकसान कृषि, वानिकी, मत्स्य पालन, ऊर्जा और पर्यटन में होगा, जो गरीबों को सबसे अधिक रोजगार देता है। इसके साथ ही जलवायु परिवर्तन सभी क्षेत्रों में विस्थापन को बढ़ावा देकर मानवीय संकट को बढ़ा रहा है। धीरे-धीरे ऐसे सबूत सामने आ रहे हैं कि ग्लोबल वॉर्मिंग पानी और उपजाऊ भूमि जैसे संसाधनों की कमी पैदा करके संघर्षों में इजाफा कर सकती है।

चौथा निष्कर्ष है कि इससे भारत जैसे देश सबसे बुरी तरह प्रभावित होंगे। जलवायु परिवर्तन का प्रभाव हर जगह समान नहीं होगा। सबसे ज्यादा प्रभाव वहां होगा, जहां गरीबी और शासन की चुनौतियां हैं, छोटे किसान ज्यादा हैं, लोगों की आवश्यक सेवाओं और संसाधनों तक पहुंच कम है। रिपोर्ट कहती है कि विश्व के 330 से 360 करोड़ लोग जलवायु परिवर्तन से अत्यधिक प्रभावित क्षेत्रों में रहते हैं। भारत को लेकर अलग से इसमें कोई आंकड़ा नहीं दिया गया है, लेकिन साफ दिख रहा है कि भारत सबसे बुरी तरह से प्रभावित है।

रिपोर्ट का पांचवां बिंदु यह है कि अफ्रीका और एशिया में तेजी से विकसित होते शहरों में हीटवेव और बाढ़ की समस्या बढ़ेगी, पीने के पानी की कमी होगी। छठी खोज यह है कि अब हम वहां पहुंच रहे हैं, जहां से वापसी मुश्किल है। अब जलवायु परिवर्तन इतना जटिल हो चुका है कि उसे सही कर पाना कठिन होता जा रहा है। जलवायु से जुड़े कई खतरे एक साथ आएंगे। कई जलवायु और गैर-जलवायु जोखिम आपस में क्रिया-प्रतिक्रिया करेंगे, जिससे असहनीय स्थिति पैदा होगी। उदाहरण के लिए, भारत के विभिन्न हिस्सों में बाढ़, सूखा, जंगल की आग और गर्मी की लहरें जैसी स्थिति एक साथ आ सकती हैं, जो जटिल समस्याएं पैदा करेंगी।

जलवायु परिवर्तन को लेकर प्रदर्शन करते छात्र (फाइल फोटो)

सातवां यह कि ग्रीन हाउस गैसों को कम करना ही बेहतर रास्ता है। क्योंकि तापमान अगर डेढ़ डिग्री तक बढ़ा, तो फिर जो कुछ भी सामने आएगा, उसे हम मैनेज नहीं कर पाएंगे। आठवां निष्कर्ष अच्छी विकास प्रथाओं के बारे में है। रिपोर्ट का कहना है कि मुश्किल इसलिए भी आ रही है क्योंकि हमारी नीतियां और उनका क्रियान्वयन टिकाऊ नहीं है। जितना चाहते हैं, जमीन घेर लेते हैं, पानी या कोयला निकाल लेते हैं, जंगल काट डालते हैं। प्रदूषण अलग बढ़ा रहे हैं। इसकी जगह हमें अच्छी विकास प्रथाएं लागू करनी होंगी। जैसे कि शहर में बाढ़ कम करनी है तो शहर के ताल-तलैया और नदियां पुनर्जीवित करिए। शहर में ऐसी जगहें हों, जहां कोई निर्माण ना हो। गांवों में भी सूखा कम करना है तो वर्षा जल संचयन और मिट्टी की नमी सहेजनी होगी।

नौंवी और इस रिपोर्ट की सबसे महत्वपूर्ण बात यह है कि अब आप प्रकृति को अकेला छोड़ दीजिए, इसी में आपकी भलाई है। अभी विश्व में हम लगभग 15 फीसदी जमीन, 21 फीसदी मीठे पानी के स्रोत और 8 फीसदी समुद्र संरक्षण करते हैं। रिपोर्ट का कहना है कि बचने के लिए अब हमें 30 से 50 फीसदी जमीन, फ्रेश वॉटर और समुद्र को छोड़ देना पड़ेगा। एक समय भारत में भी नो गो एरिया की बात हो रही थी कि वहां इंसान नहीं घुसेगा। अब ऐसे ही इलाके और बढ़ाने होंगे।

सब जुड़ेंगे, तभी बचेंगे
दसवां और आखिरी बिंदु यह है बिना राजनीतिक इच्छाशक्ति के हम इस समस्या को हल नहीं कर सकते। अब किंतु-परंतु या सवाल का समय नहीं है। नए कानून बनाने पड़ेंगे, नई नीतियां भी, ताकि सब मिलजुल कर काम कर सकें। कंपनियों और सिविल सोसायटी का बहुत बड़ा रोल होगा, क्योंकि अब ये सिर्फ सरकारों के बस की बात नहीं। सब लोग जुड़ेंगे, तभी जलवायु परिवर्तन के प्रभाव कुछ कम हो सकते हैं।

Why India is gaining trees and losing forests

How to read biennial forest surveys? The best way is decadal data produced by same methods

India State of Forest Reports (ISFRs) are published every two years. And, every ISFR shows an increase in the forest cover compared to the previous one. ISFR 2021, released last week, too shows an increase of 1,540 sq kms of forest area – an area slightly more than that of Delhi – compared to ISFR 2019.

But is this biennial good news the correct way to assess the state of our forests? Can we evaluate the health of our forest, and how government policies have affected it, in such a short time? The answer is no. We need at least a decade to judge whether forests have improved or deteriorated. So instead of getting into the quagmire of biannual assessment, let’s check how India’s forest has fared on a decadal scale.

ISFRs, despite their many shortcomings, contain a vast amount of data on growing stocks (the total volume of all trees), carbon stock (total amount of carbon stored in the forest), forest cover etc. Though all data is not available for all years, there is enough to enable a coherent analysis of the health of our forests. But before we make any comparison, it is necessary to understand the technology used for the forest assessment and its implications on numbers.

The assessment of forests is done using satellites along with ground-truthing. Over time, satellite technology has improved vastly, and so has the technology to produce ISFRs. Since 2001, high-resolution satellite data and digital interpretation have been used for ISFRs. This technology is so sophisticated that it can capture tree cover on even 1 hectare of land.

Before 2001, the satellites had lower resolution and could catch tree cover only on a large piece of land. So, to get a correct picture of the state of the forest, the comparison should only be made with data generated by similar technology. Fortunately, we have comparable data for the past two decades, viz, ISFR 2001 onwards, to make a decadal-scale assessment.

Forest cover: ISFR 2021 recorded the total forest cover in the country as 7,13,789 sq kms, ie, 21.71% of the country’s geographical area. Out of this, dense forests (considered as good forest) are 4,06,669 sq kms and open forests (deemed to be degraded forests) 3,07,120 sq kms. In comparison, ISFR 2001 recorded the total forest cover as 6,75,538 sq kms, ie, 19.5% of the geographical area. An area of 4,16,809 sq kms had dense forest cover, and 2,58,729 sq kms was open forests.

In the last 20 years, therefore, the country’s forest cover has increased by 38,251 sq kms – an area equal to the size of Kerala. But, during this period, dense forests have reduced by 10,140 sq kms (similar to the area of Tripura), and open forests have increased by 48,391 sq kms (equal to the size of Punjab). So, while the total forest cover has grown, they have increased mainly in the degraded forest category; good quality forests have reduced.

Recorded forest area: RFA are lands recorded as forests in government records and are managed by the forest departments. ISFRs have data on forest cover inside RFA and outside since 2011, and it reveals the following:

  • RFA in the country is 7,75,288 sq kms or 23.58% of the country’s geographical area. But the forest cover exists only on 5,16,630 sq kms. That is, only two-thirds of the forest area under government control have forests on them. There is little data on what exists on the remaining one-third – an area equal to the size of UP
  • In the last 10 years, forest cover inside RFA has reduced by 14,071 sq kms, while it has increased by 35,779 sq kms outside. So, forest cover is expanding on private land (mainly as plantation) and decreasing in forests managed by the government

Volume of all trees: Growing stocks in forests have reduced from 4,781.4 million cubic metres (cu-m) in 2003 to 4,388.15 million cu-m in 2021 – a decline of 8% in the last two decades. This indicates a significant degradation of the forest.

Overall, contrary to the impression given by the ISFRs, it is pretty clear that the health of our forests has declined significantly in the last two decades. The increase in forest cover shown in subsequent ISFRs is mainly due to the growth in plantations on private land. Forest areas, on the other hand, have lost large tracts of rich biodiverse forests and have experienced significant degradation. All in all, there is little to cheer about India’s forests.

The question then is, how do we restore our degraded forests, preserve biodiversity and wildlife, meet the livelihood demands of 300 million people living in and around forests and fulfil our pledge to mitigate climate change?

It is clear that the current forest administration, which the British created to exploit forest resources, cannot solve the myriad of challenges facing our forests. Most researchers are now convinced that India needs an entirely new paradigm of forest management in which forest-dependent communities will have a significant role in forest management, with the forest department as a facilitator and enabler.

There is enough evidence to show that such a shift has yielded impressive results in many countries. Currently, over 500 million hectares of forests in the world (1.5 times India’s area) are under some form of community control.

Forest departments in these countries have reversed their roles from being owners and regulators of forests to becoming facilitators in community-managed forests. Our forest administration, too, will have to shed its colonial hangover to enable India’s forests to flourish.

The writer is CEO of the International Forum for Environment, Sustainability and Technology (iFOREST)

जलवायु परिवर्तन : लक्ष्य तो तय हुए, अब कदम आगे बढ़ाना है

पर्यावरण और स्वास्थ्य के नजरिए से वर्ष 2021 लंबे समय तक याद किया जाएगा। इस साल हमने मानवता का श्रेष्ठ देखा तो सबसे बुरा भी देखा। साल की शुरुआत कोरोना की दूसरी लहर से हुई। हमारे देश का जो स्वास्थ्य ढांचा था, वह चरमरा गया। लोगों को अस्पतालों में बेड नहीं मिल रहे थे, ऑक्सिजन, मेडिकल सप्लाई की कमी थी। लेकिन साल का अंत होते-होते हमने करोड़ों लोगों को वैक्सीन दी। 2021 में जहां लाखों लोग मरे, तो करोड़ों लोगों की जान भी बची, क्योंकि हमने रेकॉर्ड टाइम में वैक्सिनेशन किया। 2021 बताता है कि अगर हम साथ मिलकर तकनीक और विज्ञान का प्रयोग करें तो लोगों की जान बचा सकते हैं, विकास कर सकते हैं।

दिल्ली से ग्लासगो

जहां तक पर्यावरण की बात है, तो 2021 में काफी गंभीर समस्या हमारे सामने खड़ी हुई पर साल का अंत होते-होते हमें एक सुनहरी लकीर भी दिखी, जिस पर देश, सरकार और उद्योगपति साथ में काम करके आगे बढ़ सकते हैं। 2021 में जिस तरह का वायु प्रदूषण हुआ, रेकॉर्ड में वैसा नहीं देखा गया है। 2015 से केंद्रीय प्रदूषण कंट्रोल बोर्ड ने वायु प्रदूषण की ठीक से मॉनिटरिंग शुरू की। साल 2021 में वायु प्रदूषण का लेवल पिछले पांच-छह साल में सबसे अधिक रहा है। रेकॉर्ड दिखाता है कि पिछले चार-पांच सालों में सबसे अधिक पराली हरियाणा और पंजाब में जलाई गई। दिवाली के अगले दिन ही लखनऊ, दिल्ली या गाजियाबाद में वायु प्रदूषण चरम पर पहुंचा। इसी दिसंबर में दिल्ली में वायु प्रदूषण बेहद गंभीर हो गया था।

ऐसे ही जलवायु परिवर्तन के प्रभावों को देखें। इस साल जो अतिवृष्टि हुई, बाढ़ आई, इसका भी रेकॉर्ड बना। नैनीताल में दिन भर में 400 मिलीमीटर की बारिश हुई, बाढ़ आई। चेन्नै तो लगातार डूबा ही हुआ है। साथ ही देश के अलग-अलग हिस्सों में अतिवृष्टि ने हमारे शहरों को रोक दिया। छोटे समय में इतनी अधिक बारिश देखी नहीं गई है। ये साफ दिखाता है कि अतिवृष्टि अभी बढ़ेगी, जिसमें लोगों की मौत बढ़ेगी, आर्थिक दुष्प्रभाव बढ़ेंगे। वहीं इस साल हमने बढ़ती हीट वेव भी खूब देखी।

बात कचरा प्रबंधन की करें तो 2021 में दिखा कि कोविड में जिस तरह से बायो मेडिकल वेस्ट बढ़ा है, उससे हमारे सॉलिड और बायो मेडिकल वेस्ट मैनेजमेंट का ढांचा भी चरमरा गया है। नदियों से जो प्रदूषण कम करना था, उस काम में भी काफी कमी रही। 2021 में यह साफ हो गया है कि हमारी जो गवर्नेंस है, पर्यावरण से संबंधित विभाग हैं, उनमें काफी कमजोरी है। लेकिन 2021 का अंत होते-होते ग्लासगो क्लाइमेट समिट में प्रधानमंत्री मोदी ने ऐलान किया कि भारत 2070 तक कार्बन डाई ऑक्साइड सहित जलवायु परिवर्तन के लिए जिम्मेदार गैसों का उत्सर्जन शून्य पर लेकर आएगा। यह बहुत बड़ा कमिटमेंट है, पर्यावरण के क्षेत्र की सुनहरी रेखा है। साथ ही भारत ने अगले दस साल के टारगेट का भी ऐलान किया, जिसके तहत हम पचास फीसदी एनर्जी अक्षय ऊर्जा से लेंगे। यानी जो बाकी के ऊर्जा स्रोत हैं, मसलन कोयला, तेल या गैस- उसका इस्तेमाल कम करेंगे। अक्षय ऊर्जा स्रोत, जैसे सौर ऊर्जा, वायु ऊर्जा बढ़ाएंगे।

अब सवाल उठता है कि साल 2022 में क्या हो सकता है? एक चीज तो मानकर चलना चाहिए कि जलवायु परिवर्तन का हमारे देश में प्रभाव बढ़ेगा। इसका हमारी अर्थव्यवस्था, खेती और पानी की सप्लाई पर प्रभाव होगा। हमें अब जलवायु परिवर्तन के प्रभावों से निदान के तरीके पर काम करने की जरूरत है। इसके लिए अब सिर्फ केंद्र सरकार को काम करने की जरूरत नहीं है। केंद्र का तो पूरा निर्देशन रहेगा, फंडिंग भी। लेकिन अब राज्य सरकारों को स्थानीय स्तर पर एडॉप्टेशन प्लान लागू करने की जरूरत है। मसलन, अगर अतिवृष्टि होने वाली है तो हमें अच्छे चेतावनी सिस्टम लगाने की जरूरत है ताकि क्षति कम हो। हीट वेव के लिए शहरों में ‘हीट कोड’ बनाने करने की जरूरत है। मतलब, अगर तापमान बहुत तेजी से बढ़े तो लोगों को बता दिया जाए कि वे घर में ही रहें। आउटडोर वर्क कम करके हॉस्पिटल और पानी मुहैया कराया जाए। हमें लोकल गवर्नेंस लेवल पर 2022 से काम करने की जरूरत है। अब तक हमने उस पर बहुत काम नहीं किया है। अब हमें जिला और ब्लॉक लेवल पर काम करना होगा। 2022 में यह काम पूरा नहीं हो पाएगा, लेकिन 2022 में हम शुरुआत कर सकते हैं।

ग्लोबल वॉर्मिंग का भारत पर बुरा असर, आर्थिक विकास दर 30 फीसदी कम

प्रधानमंत्री ने जो ग्लासगो में अक्षय ऊर्जा का जो ऐलान किया, उसके लिए पैसे भी चाहिए होंगे। इस पैसे को लाने के लिए हमें अब उन इंडस्ट्रीज को प्रोमोट करने की जरूरत है, जो हमारे यहां आकर अक्षय ऊर्जा स्रोत लगाएं। यह पहला काम है। इसका दूसरा फायदा यह होगा कि अक्षय ऊर्जा बढ़ेगी तो कोयला कम होगा। पूर्वी और मध्य भारत में झारखंड, ओडिशा, छत्तीसगढ़, और मध्य प्रदेश इसके बड़े आर्थिक स्रोत हैं। तो कोयला धीरे-धीरे ही कम होगा। मगर उससे इन इलाकों पर क्या आर्थिक प्रभाव पड़ेगा, इस पर भी हमें काम करना होगा। 2022 में जो ट्रांजिशन होने वाला है, उस पर भी चर्चा करने की जरूरत है।

एक्शन का 2022
2022 में हमें जलवायु परिवर्तन, एनर्जी ट्रांजिशन, स्थानीय प्रदूषण के गवर्नेंस पर फोकस करना होगा। प्रदूषण कंट्रोल बोर्ड सहित पर्यावरण पर काम करने वाली संस्थाओं को भी मजबूत बनाने की जरूरत है। 2022 का अजेंडा गवर्नेंस रिफॉर्म, स्ट्रेंथनिंग एक्शन का अजेंडा होना चाहिए, क्योंकि जलवायु परिवर्तन के दुष्प्रभाव अपने आप तो कम होने वाले नहीं हैं। यह सब जमीनी स्तर पर होना चाहिए, चाहे वह प्लास्टिक कम करने की बात हो, या कचरा प्रबंधन की। क्योंकि 2021 में हमने देखा है कि बुरा क्या हो सकता है और अच्छा क्या हो सकता है। मेरी यह कामना है कि 2022 में हम अच्छाई पर काम करें, और देश को आगे बढ़ाएं।

Good COP, bad COP

Glasgow wasn’t a washout. But on coal, India gained little & let China get away.

Climate change conferences follow a pattern: They never end on time; they make incremental progress, and there is always a last-minute drama that captures the headlines, drowning the overall assessment of the meeting. COP26 in Glasgow followed the pattern to a tee, though with a little more drama than some of the previous meetings.

Over the next few days, we will read headlines (mainly from Western media) screaming murder on how India weakened the outcome of COP26 by forcing a last-minute amendment that diluted the language on ending coal power. We will also read headlines from India defending this amendment. But in these headlines, consequential decisions made by this COP would be lost. First, though, let’s look at the coal controversy.
In the conference’s closing minutes, a dramatic process to change one paragraph of the final text unfolded, which was started by China, ended by India and decried by many countries. The paragraph relates to the phasing out of coal power. In the final version of the text, “phase-out” of coal power was mentioned.

China was the first to ‘mildly’ object to this paragraph. Then India proposed a new version of the paragraph that replaced “phase-out” with “phase-down” to describe what needs to happen to coal use in power generation. While India’s proposal was accepted, several countries, mainly Europeans and small vulnerable countries, objected to this change, including how it was done. Though the change in the word itself is a non-issue, how India got this done is certainly something that needs introspection.

Phase-down means progressively reducing the use of coal, whereas phase-out means altogether eliminating its use over a period of time. Thus, a country will have to first phase down its coal use and ultimately phase it out. So, phase-out is the end of phase-down. By changing the word to phase-down, India accepted that coal power must be reduced but did not agree to completely end it.

Now, this differentiation would be significant if there was a deadline to do so. But nowhere in the text is a timeline mentioned. In fact, Germany, the poster child of coal phase-out, is planning to end coal power by 2038 – two decades in the future. So, this fight over phase-out and phase-down is immaterial without a deadline, at least for this decade. And, the way renewable plus storage technology is developing, it is inevitable that India will not instal new coal power post-2030.

So, the question is what India gained by forcing this change? In my view, the answer is nothing. This change has no material bearing on India’s energy future or its development trajectory. However, by projecting itself as a coal champion and forcing the modification at the last moment, India’s image has undoubtedly taken a hit.

What is even more galling is that China, which consumes 50% of the world’s coal and had initiated the demand to change the paragraph, sat pretty while we exposed ourselves to the scorn of Western media. And, this has been the problem of India’s negotiating strategy at climate meets. We pick up fights where there is none.

At COP26, we should have exposed the double standards of developed countries on oil and gas, and fought for the finance and technology needed to meet the ambitious target announced by Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the beginning of the conference. But we did little of these and wasted our energy on issues that are good for rabble-rousing. India has to decide what it wants. I am not sure that we have really thought through the end game.
Coming back to the decisions taken at COP, it is clear that many of them will shape how the world will develop in the future.

  • First, there is a tacit acceptance that the temperature goal must be 1.5°C and not between 1.5°C and 2.0°C as per the Paris Agreement. This is good for India’s poor, who will be most hit by higher temperatures.
  • Second, all the major economies have now announced a net-zero target. If all the net-zero commitments are met, we are on course to limit warming to 1.8°C-1.9°C. This means that we must now devise processes and mechanisms to hold countries accountable for their net-zero pledges.
  • Third, the rulebook of the Paris Agreement has been wrapped-up. After six years of haggling, a deal was finally struck on the market mechanism rules. These rules are stricter than the previous one and will allow countries like India to gain by selling carbon credits and bringing new technologies.
  • Fourth, while developed countries have wriggled out of making any future commitment on climate finance, there are enough provisions in the final decision to hold them accountable for delivering $100 billion in the near term and developing a road map for enhanced long-term climate finance.
  • Fifth, both adaptation and loss and damage have received much more attention than before. As a result, developed countries have agreed to double the adaptation finance and were forced to start a dialogue process for financing loss and damage.
  • Finally, the need to ensure just transitions while phasing down fossil fuels has received due recognition in the final decision. Accordingly, the decision includes providing finance and technology support to developing countries for the just transition.

Overall, while the Glasgow climate conference has not delivered everything, it has provided enough to keep the hope alive for meeting the 1.5°C climate goal. As far as India is concerned, it has decided to decarbonise its economy and pursue green development by announcing a net-zero target for 2070 and an ambitious 2030 target. We must now develop a negotiating strategy to facilitate and get financial and technological support for these targets.

The writer is CEO, International Forum for Environment, Sustainability and Technology (iFOREST)

COP26: Let us move from climate crisis to climate collaboration

Glasgow will not solve the climate crisis but it can fast-track global climate collaboration.

A great hype has been created around the 26th Conference of Parties (COP26) at Glasgow. John Kerry, the US climate czar, has called this meeting the world’s “last best chance” to avoid climate hara-kiri. Similar sentiment has been expressed by UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres. More than 100 world leaders will attend this climate gala, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Joe Biden.

This is not the first time such hype has been created around climate summits. I can list at least three (two of which I attended) – Kyoto in 1997, Copenhagen in 2009 and Paris in 2015 – where the noise was deafening, but the outcome was muted. Unfortunately, Glasgow COP is heading in the same direction.

Over the last few months, a long list of demands has been put forth by various governments. The UK is pushing for a treaty to “consign coal power to history”, the US wants a net-zero deal, the Association of Small Island States (AOSIS) has demanded a 1.5°C declaration. Least Developing Countries (LDCs) want climate polluters to pay them billions of dollars for loss and damage, and Like-Minded Developing Countries (LMDCs) want $100 billion climate finance and carbon space. Unfortunately, most of these demands will not be met because the groundwork has not been done to achieve them.

Take the case of coal power phase-out. The UK is pushing to end coal power by 2030 in developed countries and by 2040 in the rest of the world. But it has failed to get support from most coal-consuming countries, especially the top two consumers, India and China.
The reason is simple: Unlike developed countries that depend on gas for electricity, coal provides 70% of India’s and 62% of China’s electricity production. While phasing out of coal power is essential to combat the climate crisis, so is gas power. Countries are not convinced that prioritising one over the other is the right way to move ahead. Also, there has not been any discussion on how this coal transition will happen and who will pay for the closure of coal mines and power plants.

As a sizeable population depends on coal for livelihood in countries like India, huge investments are required to transition coal regions to non-coal economies. But, there has not been any discussion on global cooperation on coal transition. So, without discussing the nut-bolts, expecting a coal power treaty is unrealistic.

Likewise, there are disagreements on loss and damage. Developing countries are now facing a new reality – the destruction unleashed by the climate crisis is taking lives, destroying assets and infrastructure, and costing vast amounts of money in relief and reconstruction. They are demanding that the big polluters compensate them for the losses. But the developed countries have refused to negotiate any responsibility for climate-induced losses. This issue is going to be a significant sticking point at Glasgow and may derail the negotiations.
Similar disagreements exist on all major proposals. So, what should we realistically expect from Glasgow?

COP26 is taking place in the background of a vast trust deficit that emerged between countries during the Trump regime; the vaccine apartheid and the unilateral withdrawal of the US from Afghanistan have further eroded the credibility of developed countries. Hence, the pretence of the developed countries that everything is hunky-dory is misplaced. Therefore, their attempt to forge an alliance on issues like net zero is destined to become high-sounding declarations that are ritually announced at all COPs.

But the Glasgow meeting can achieve some important outcomes, the most important being the rule book for the Paris Agreement. Over the last six years, countries have struggled to finish the rule book and operationalise the Agreement in its entirety, mainly due to disagreements over the design of the carbon market. Theoretically, the carbon market can enhance mitigation, reduce cost and transfer real resources to developing countries for decarbonisation. At Glasgow, negotiators must set robust rules to eliminate past loopholes and ensure the carbon market works for the planet.

Glasgow is also an opportunity to kick-start the process of confidence-building to bring back the global collaboration on track. Both developed and developing countries must cross the aisles, understand each other’s concerns, and announce confidence-building measures.
Developed countries can put out a new plan for climate finance that is ambitious and credible. A recent report on climate finance road map shows how little money is being given by them. For example, in 2019, developed countries provided $16.7 billion as a grant. This means that every person in developed countries contributed just $1 per month for climate finance. Developed countries can surely afford more than this. A credible climate finance plan from them is, therefore, crucial.

Similarly, developing countries need to discuss their decarbonisation plans because there is no carbon space to emit. Even if developed countries reach net zero by 2030 (which is unlikely), developing countries will still have to start reducing emissions very soon. So, a serious plan on decarbonisation from developing countries would go a long way in building confidence in the process.
#TelltheTruth is a popular hashtag for COP26. It exemplifies the frustration of young climate campaigners with the negotiation process. At COP26, leaders must tell the truth. Dishonesty and falsehood are the reason why the three decades of climate negotiations have achieved little.

The writer is CEO, International Forum for Environment, Sustainability and Technology (iFOREST)

Climate: Reality Check

Transition from fossil fuels in India is a matter of politics, communities, federalism & jobs

The latest IPCC report paints a grim picture of the future if the world fails to eliminate the use of fossil fuels over the next three decades. India will be disproportionately impacted by extreme weather events. Therefore, the only question in front of us is how best to plan this transition to secure a just and equitable outcome. Otherwise, chaos and disruptions are a foregone conclusion.

Note here that there is a stark asymmetry in India’s energy map. While 85% of coal production is concentrated in relatively poor eastern and central states of Jharkhand, Odisha, Chhattisgarh, West Bengal and Madhya Pradesh, over 60% of renewable energy potential (and 80% of current capacity) is concentrated in relatively wealthy southern and western states – Gujarat, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Telangana.

As India and the rest of the world embark on the most significant energy shift since the invention of steam engines to combat the climate crisis, this disparity raises many questions. For example:

  • How will the energy transition affect inter-state relations? What implications will it have on government revenue, public expenditure and regional inequality?
  • What happens to districts like Dhanbad, Singrauli, Korba, Angul, or Paschim Bardhaman, where coal is the fulcrum of jobs and growth?
  • How will we re-skill and re-employ millions of workers formally and informally employed in fossil fuel-dependent industries like thermal power, steel, cement, refineries, automobile, petrol pumps, or urea fertiliser?

These aren’t hypothetical questions to be debated through a future lens. These are, on the contrary, current concerns that must be addressed immediately, as coal and oil use will have to decline dramatically over the next 2-3 decades to avoid the worst impacts of global warming.

The good news is that this rapid transition is technologically feasible, and the market is now willing and ready to switch to non-fossil alternatives in many industries since they are profitable. Hence, all major Indian companies, from Tata’s to Reliance and Adani’s to Mahindra’s, are putting billions of dollars in renewable energy, battery storage and EVs.

However, if the transition away from coal (and oil) is not well-managed, many of the country’s disadvantaged districts will be pushed even further into poverty. Furthermore, it will have serious ramifications for the political economy in central and eastern India, where coal is firmly embedded in local culture and politics. Their politics can even put a brake on the energy transition itself.

Therefore, the energy transition is more than technological fixes and investments; it is also about workers and communities who will be affected. To get this transition right, we will have to start developing policies and plans for a Just Transition and not merely an energy transition. A well-planned Just Transition will help districts and states dependent on fossil fuels to diversify their economy and secure decent work opportunities for their population.

But what does a Just Transition look like in India? What is it going to entail? To answer, we must first comprehend the nature of the fossil fuel economy as well as the obstacles of phasing it out.

To begin with, the Indian fossil fuel industry, particularly coal, is plagued by the “resource curse” and informal workers. Most coal areas are impoverished and polluted, with more than half of the population suffering from multidimensional poverty. In addition, the informal workforce is approximately four times the formal employees. As a result, a vast majority of workers don’t have employment security.

Secondly, the fossil fuel industry has a large footprint. There are 120 districts in which these businesses play a significant role. Of these, 60 districts account for 95% of coal production, 60% thermal power capacity, and 90% automobile and automobile component manufacturing. Disruptions will occur in these districts early on, perhaps within the next five years, as alternative technologies are already in the market for these sectors.

Thirdly, the industry employs a large number of people, with at least 20 million people working in mines and factories. Automobile, iron and steel, and coal mining are the biggest employers. To put things in perspective, the coal-mining sector in the United States employed 54,000 people in 2019; in India, the figure is over 2.0 million.

Finally, the fossil fuel industries contribute significantly to the exchequer. Taxes on coal, oil and gas contributed 18.8% of the total revenue receipts of the central government and about 8.3% of the state governments in 2019-20. Thus, these taxes are essential for the government’s revenue and spending.

Considering the above, a Just Transition in India will need policy and planning for five key elements (the five R’s):

  • Restructuring of the economy and industries in fossil fuel-dependent districts/ states;
  • Repurposing of land and infrastructure, as these industries hold vast land and assets. For example, coal mines and thermal power plants alone have 0.3 million hectares of land, which can be repurposed to build a new green economy;
  • Reskilling existing and skilling new workforce to avoid job loss and create a new workforce for the green industries;
  • Revenue substitution and investments in Just Transition. This will require progressively moving taxes away from fossils and using fossil taxes like GST compensation cess (formerly coal cess) and District Mineral Foundation funds for Just Transition; and,
  • Responsible social and environmental practices during the transition process to create a better world than today.

Phase-out of fossil fuels is imminent; we have no choice.

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